New Mexico historical review

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collection
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Kansas city
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Kansas city,

missouri

From the collection of the

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2007

NEW MEXICO
HISTORICAL REVIEW

Editors
LANSING B. BLOOM PAUL A. F. WALTER

Associates

PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND

FRANK T. CHEETHAM THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M.

FRANCE V. SCHOLES

VOLUME xx
1945

PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY

THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NEW MEXICO

AND

THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO

)NTENTS

Page
JNUMBUK 1, JANUARY, 1945

portrait: James F. Zimmerman facing 1

The spread of Spanish horses in the Southwest,

1700-1800 ... D. E. Worcester 1

From Lewisburg (Pa.) to California in 1849; diary of

William H. Chamberlin, I (ed.) L. B. Bloom 14

Friar personnel and mission chronology, 1598-1629

(concl.) . F. V. Scholes and L. B. Bloom 58

Necrology: P. A. F. W. 83

J. F. Zimmerman; Chas. LeR. Gibson; E. H.
Shaffer; E. L. Medler; J. B. Burg; J. B. Atkeson;
R. E. Rowells
Reviews and Notes :

Steck, Tentative guide to historical materials of

the Spanish Borderlands, by L. B. B.
Saunders, A guide to materials bearing on cul-
tural relations in New Mexico, by L. B. B.
Seltzer, Racial prehistory in the Southwest and

Hawikuh Zunis, by Leslie Spier
Kluckhohn, Navaho Witchcraft

by Frank D. Reeve

Harrington, "Indian words in Southwest

Spanish"

Reed, "The Dinetxa tradition"
"Bibliografia de historia de America (1941-44)"
The Americas (July and Oct., 1944)
Southwest Journal of Anthropology, announced

Editorial Section: L. B. B. 106

What is "the Southwest"? Huntington Library

and its Rockefeller project
Travel, Earle R. Forrest, and El Morro
What is Santa Fe's name historically?

NUMBER 2, APRIL, 1945
portrait: John R. McFie, Jr. facing 109

History of the Albuquerque Indian School (to 1934) , I

. Lillie G. McKinney 109

The use of saddles by American Indians,

D. E. Worcester 139

JUL 1 2 1346

Page

From Lewisburg to California in 1849, II

(ed.) L. B. Bloom 144

Necrology: P. A. F. W. 181

Mrs. Ruth Hanna Simms ; John R. McFie, Jr>.

Notes and Comments: L. B. B. 187

La Villa de Santa Fe
Grollet, Grole, Grule, Gurule

NUMBER 3, JULY, 1945

A Du Val Map of New Mexico, 1670 facing 189

The Estancia Springs tragedy . . . Chas. Pope 189

History of the Albuquerque Indian School, II

Lillie G. McKinney 207

The weapons of American Indians D. E. Worcester 227

From Lewisburg to California in 1849, III

(ed.) L. B. Bloom 239

Necrology: P. A. F. W. 269

Alvan N. White; Numa C. Frenger; Frank Bond

Reviews and Notes: 274

Wyman, The wild horse of the West,

by P. A. F. W.

A Du Val map of 1670 by L. B. B. 276

Folk Arts conference by P. A. F. W. 279

NUMBER 4, OCTOBER, 1945
Shalam : Facts vs. Fiction .... Jone Howlind 281

History of the Albuquerque Indian School (to 1934),

concl Lillie G. McKinney 310

From Lewisburg to California in 1849, concl.

(ed.) L. B. Bloom 336

Necrology: Nathan Jaffa

Albuquerque Tribune, Sept. 13, 1945 358

Notes and Comments: 359-366

The Atomic Bomb; The VT Fuse; Los Alamos
Rianch School; Raynoldis Library; Morjey
Ecclesiastical Art Gift; Mexico Field School
Session

Errata and Index

ublic Llbr*r}

V

Historical 1(eview

PALACE OP THE GOVERNORS, SANTA FE

January, 1945

Editors
LANSING B. BLOOM PAUL A. F. WALTER

Associates

PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND

FRANK T. CHEETHAM THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M

FRANCE V. SCHOLES

VOL. XX JANUARY, 1945 No. 1

CONTENTS

Page

James F. Zimmerman frontispiece

The Spread of Spanish Horses in the Southwest, 1700-1900

D. E. Worcester 1

From Lewisburg (Pa.) to California in 1849; Notes from the

diary of Wm. H. Chamberlin . . (ed.) L. B. Bloom 14
Friar Personnel and Mission Chronology, 1598-1629, II

France V. Scholes and L. B. Bloom 58
Necrology: P. A. F. W. 83

James F. Zimmerman; Chas. Le Roy Gibson; Ed. H. Shaffer;

Ed. Lewis Medler; John Baron Burg; Joseph B. Atkeson;

R. E. Rowells
Reviews and Notes: 97

Steck, Tentative Guide to Historical Materials of the Span-
ish Borderlands, by L. B. B.

Saunders, A Guide to Materials Bearing on Cultural Rela-
tions in New Mexico, by L. B. B.

Seltzer, Racial Prehistory in the Southwest and the Hawikuh
Zunis, by Leslie Spier

Kluckhohn, Navaho Witchcraft, by Frank D. Reeve

Harrington, "Indian Words in Southwest Spanish"

Reed, "The Dinetxa tradition"

"Bibliografia de historia de America (1941-44)"

The Americas (July and October, 1944)

Southwest Journal of Anthropology, announced
Editorial Section: L. B. B. 106

What is "the Southwest"? Huntington Library and its
Rockefeller project

Travel, Earl R. Forrest, and El Morro

What is Santa Fe's name historically?

The NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the Historical
Society of New Mexico and the University of New Mexico. Subscription to the
quarterly is $3.00 a year in advance ; single numbers, except those which have
become scarce, are $1.00 each.

Business communications should be addressed to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State
Museum, Santa Fe, N. M. ; manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be
addressed to Prof. L. B. Bloom, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M.

Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico
UNIVERSITY PRESS, ALBUQUERQUE, N. M.

JAMES FULTON ZIMMERMAN
(See page 83)

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW

VOL. XX JANUARY, 1945 No. 1

THE SPREAD OF SPANISH HORSES IN THE
SOUTHWEST 1700-1800

By D. E. WORCESTER*

AT THE beginning of the eighteenth century, the use of
Spanish horses was very widespread among the In-
dians of New Mexico and Texas, and had spread among
certain tribes as far north as the confluence of the Missis-
sippi and Missouri rivers. Horses had been distributed
among the Indians both by trading and by stealing, the lat-
ter method being the more popular one.

Of the Southwestern Indians, the Apaches were fore-
most in the use of horses in warfare. During the eighteenth
century, however, they were surpassed in this respect by
the more numerous Comanches. Other horse-using tribes in
the vicinity of New Mexico were the Navajos and Utes. The
Texas tribes also were fairly well-mounted ; the Hasinai,
Caddo, Bidais, Sana, Tonkawa, Quitseis, and others pos-
sessing herds of horses.

The southern Plains tribes which had horses at this
time were the Pawnees, Osages, Kansas, Wichitas, and Co-
manches. Trading parties made trips to Spanish settlements
to exchange furs and slaves for horses, knives and other
implements, and beads. Raiding by these tribes also was
felt by the Spaniards. Sometimes men of several tribes
would join together for a raid.

*The opinions contained herein are those of the writer, and are not to be con-
strued as official or reflecting the views of the Navy Department or of the naval
service at large.

(signed) D. E. Worcester,
Lieutenant SC USNR

2 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

The horse trade was well-established in New Mexico
during the seventeenth century, large numbers of horses
and mules having been exported prior to the Pueblo revolt
of 1680. The horse trade of the Indians grew out of the
practice of bartering captives. The advent of the French to
Louisiana gave an added stimulus to the trade, because they
needed horses, and because they introduced an important
trade item — the gun. Prohibiting the sale of firearms to
the natives was one of the cardinal points of Spanish trading
policy. Consequently, there grew up a very lively commerce
between the French and the Indians of Texas, in which the
French received horses and mules (usually stolen from the
Spaniards) and skins in exchange for guns, powder, and
lead. By this trade the French obtained many Spanish
horses. A Memoir sur les Natchitoches, written about 1700,
stated that the greatest commerce that could be expected
with the Indians would be in horses, peltry, and slaves.1

Wherever horses were raised in the Southwest, there
was trouble from Indian raiding parties. Illustrative of this
is a report of Father Kino from Pimeria Alta in 1701 :

At this time, in January and February, the
Apaches came in, for their accustomed annual rob-
beries; and after stealing horses ... in various
places . . . they . . . did serious damage . . .2

Inter-tribal trading was active, although there are
fewer reports concerning it. There was mention in the
seventeenth century of Apaches trading captive Indian
women of the Quivira nation to the pueblos of the Pecos for
horses. And in 1717, the Canadian Derbanne wrote that it
was very easy to reach the Illinois by way of the Caddos,
as the latter for years had been taking horses to the Illinois.3

In 1719, Du Tisne explored the Arkansas river. La
Harpe, a member of the expedition, observed that the Tou-

1. P. Margry, Memoires et documents pour servir a I'histoire des origenes fran-
Caises des pays d'outre-mer, (Paris, 1879-88), vi, 230.

2. H. E. Bolton, Kino's historical memoir of Pimeria, Alta, (Cleveland, 1919)
i, 267.

3. Margry, op. eft., vi, 211.

SPREAD OF SPANISH HORSES IN THE SOUTHWEST 3

acara were mounted on very excellent horses, and that they
used saddles and bridles of Spanish style.4

These nations raise very fine horses; they
value them highly, being unable to fight or hunt
without them . . .5

Of the Osages, La Harpe wrote :

They stay in their village like the Missouri,
and pass the winter chasing the buffalo, which are
very abundant in these parts. Horses, which they
steal from the Panis [Pawnees] can be bought of
them . . .6

And of the Pawnees :

They have in these two villages three hundred
horses, which they value so much that they dp not
like to part with them . . . According to their re-
ports, it is fifteen days' journey to the great village
of the Padoucas [Comanches], but they encounter
them frequently in six days' journey. They have a
cruel war now between them . . . When they go
to war they harness their horses in a cuirass of
tanned leather. They are clever with the bow and
arrow, and also use a lance, which is like the end
of a sword inserted in a handle of wood.7

In the same year, Du Tisne traded three guns and
some powder and shot to the Pawnees for two horses and
a mule, all marked with Spanish brands. The Pawnees told
him that they previously had been to the Spanish villages
to trade, but that at the present time the Comanches barred
the way.8 The Comanches appeared around the Spanish
settlements early in the eighteenth century, and by 1743
were seen in the vicinity of San Antonio.9

The Apaches generally were at war with most of the
Texas tribes. The Lipan Apaches became increasingly trou-
blesome to the Spaniards around San Antonio, frequently

4. Margry, op. cit., vi, 288.

6. Ibid., vi, 294.

6. Ibid., vi, 311.

7. Ibid., vi, 312.

8. Ibid., vi, 314.

9. J. A. Morfi, History of Texas, 1673-1779, (Quivira Soc., 2v.), ii, 294.

4 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

running off the presidio horse herds.10 In 1732, Apache
raiders even crossed the Rio Grande and harassed the set-
tlements and ranches of Coahuila.11 The Apaches in the
early eighteenth century were described as preferring horse
and mule meat to any other, and as being very dextrous in
the handling of horses.12 Du Rivage wrote of the Apaches :

The advantage which the Cancy [Apache]
have over their enemies is that they have excellent
horses, whereas the other nations have few. . . ,13

The use of firearms by certain tribes offset the ad-
vantages which others had gained by the possession of
horses. In this regard, it was said of the Hasinai, in 1722 :

For this reason they make a show of handling
their guns with dexterity and running their horses
at great speed, for although the Natchitoches have
a greater number of guns than the Texas Indians,
the number of horses they have is limited. The
latter thus travel on foot while the Texas Indians
ride on horseback with great skill, their feet hang-
ing loose and, traveling at a great rate, they guide
their horses with only a slender cord which they
use in place of a bridle.14

Two years later, Bourgmont visited the Comanches, of
whom he said :

They have also many dogs, which carry their
equipage when they lack horses. . . . When they
go to war, they go always on horseback, and they
have leather armor which protects the horses
against arrows.15

The Comanches told Bourgmont that they traded many
buffalo robes to the Spaniards for horses, axes, and knives.
Three buffalo robes was the price paid for one horse.16

10. Ibid., ii, 280-282.

11. H. K. Yoakum, History of Texas (N.Y., 1856 2v.), i, 388.

12. J. D. Arricivita, Cronica serdfica y apostolica . . . (Mexico, 1792) ii, 339.

13. Margry, op. cit., vi, 279.

14. "Description of the Tejas or Hasinai Indians, 1691-1722," in Southwestern
historical quarterly, xxxi, 179.

15. Margry, op. cit., vi, 446.

16. Ibid., vi, 440, 445.

SPREAD OF SPANISH HORSES IN THE SOUTHWEST 5

When Bourgmont tried to buy horses from the Kansas In-
dians for his journey to the Comanches, he offered them
two measures of powder, thirty bullets, six strings of beads,
and four knives for a horse. They told him that Frenchmen
and Illinois Indians had come the previous year to barter
for their slaves and had offered double the merchandise that
he proposed.17

The Sieur de la Verendrye visited the Missouri river
region during the 1730s and 1740s. They reported that the
Mandans — who formerly lived in the same villages with
the Pawnees — had horses which they used for hunting.
When the explorers were with the Gens du Chevaux, or
Arickara, on the Cheyenne river, they wrote:

All the tribes of those countries have a great
many horses, asses, and mules, which they use to
carry their baggage and also for riding both in the
chase and in their travels.18

I enquired about their commerce. He told me
that they . . . did a large trade in ox-hides and
slaves [with the Spaniards], giving in exchange
horses and goods at the choice of the savages, but
not guns and ammunition.19

Many horses raised in New Mexico and Texas were sold
or traded by the Spaniards to the Indians and French, al-
though direct trade with the latter generally was prohibited.
In the 1720s there were a number of instances of trade be-
tween Spaniards and French outposts, where there was a
constant demand for horses. In 1737, 250 horses were taken
to New Orleans from Natchitoches.20 In New Mexico the
officials regulated the horse trade: in 1754, for example,
the price of one horse was twelve to fifteen skins. An Indian
slave girl who might pass for ten years old was valued at
two pack horses without anything to boot; a smaller pieza

17. Ibid., vi, 406.

18. L. J. Burpee, ed. Journals and letters of P. G. de V. La Verendrye and his
sons . . . , (Toronto, 1927), 414.

19. Ibid., 426.

20. N. M. M. Surrey, The commerce of Louisiana during the French regime, 1699-
1763, (New York, 1912), 282.

6 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

was worth one horse with something extra.21 Each year in
July or August, a great fair was held at Taos. To this fair
came the heathen tribes to barter slaves and peltry for
horses, knives, and other items. The Spaniards found this
trade profitable, especially the trade in slaves. In 1761, Fray
Pedro Serrano wrote :

When the Indian trading embassy comes to
these governors and their alcaldes, here all pru-
dence forsakes . . . because the fleet is in. The
fleet being, in this case, sometimes two hundred,
or at the very least fifty, tents of barbarous
heathen Indians, Comanches as well as other na-
tions. . . . Here the governor, alcaldes, and lieu-
tenants gather together as many horses as they
can. . . . Here, in short, is gathered everything
possible for trade and barter with these barbarians
in exchange for deer and buffalo hides, and . . .
in exchange for Indian slaves, men and women,
small and large. . . ,22

After 1751, Spanish traders engaged regularly in com-
merce with the Indians of the lower Trinity river. In defi-
ance of the law, they traded French guns and ammunition
for horses and mules, many of which had been stolen from
other Spaniards.23 In 1754, a French trader was arrested
among the Orcoquiza. He claimed to have been trading with
the Attacapa for more than a quarter of a century, and had
in his possession a license from the governor of Louisiana
authorizing him to go among the Attacapa to trade for
horses.24

Three years later, the colony of Nuevo Santander was

21. Coronado Library (Albuquerque, Univ. of N. Mex.), facsimile of bando issued
by Governor Marin del Valle, dated Santa Fe Nov. 26, 1754, f. 1 v., has the following:

. . . y una pieza de India que pase de diez anos por dos caballos matalottes
sin que sele anada otra cosa ... y la pieza mas pequena, de un caballo, con
algun agregado de freno u otra alaja equibalante.

H. H. Bancroft, History of Arizona, and New Mexico, 276, note, has a surprising

mistranslation of this passage.

22. C. W. Hackett, ed., Historical documents relating to New Mexico, Nueva
Vizcaya, and approaches thereto. (Wash., D. C., 1926-37, 3v.), iii, 486-7.

23. H. E. Bolton, "Spanish activities on the lower Trinity river, 1746-1771," in
Southwestern historical quarterly, xvi, 347-8.

24. H. E. Bolton, Texas in the middle eighteenth century, (Berkeley, 1915) 337.

SPREAD OF SPANISH HORSES IN THE SOUTHWEST 7

istimated to have fifty-eight thousand horses and nearly
two thousand burros.25 The fact that this colony was more
remote from the hostile tribes than the ranches of Texas
and New Mexico lessened the suffering from raids, and
made possible the raising of great herds. Nevertheless, the
provinces south of the Rio Grande were not free from
Apache thievery. In 1760, Fray Juan Sanz de Lezaiin
wrote :

Let Don Antonio del Castillo, regidor of Chi-
huahua, tell of the many thousand horses, mules,
and cattle he has lost at the hacienda of La Laguna.
. . . Let Chihuahua tell of the continuous incur-
sions against the droves of horses and mules. . . .
The Jesuit fathers bear witness to the invasions
which have been made and are still being made
into their haciendas, as do the settlers of Chihua-
hua and its vicinity . . . who, on account of con-
tinuous robberies . . . have retired up the river
to La Jabonera. As a result, since both the Apaches
and the Nortefios know every inch of the ground,
they have penetrated as far as this side of the
valley.26

In 1763, Louisiana was ceded to Spain, and Spanish
officials of Texas and the Promncias Internets took the op-
portunity to combat the trade in stolen horses. In this re-
gard, O'Reilly instructed De Mezieres, in January, 1770:

You will prohibit, Sir, very expressly, all per-
sons whatsoever, from purchasing, trading for, or
receiving horses or mules from the savages or those
who trade with them, under penalty to the offend-
ers of the loss of such horses and mules. . . ,27

The traders of Natchitoches were prohibited from buy-
ing horses and mules from the Taovayas. The latter found
a market for their animals with the contraband traders from
the Arkansas, or even with tribes from the Missouri; and
thus horse-stealing at the Spanish settlements was encour-

25. Ibid., 300.

26. Hackett, op. cit., Hi, 478.

27. H. E. Bolton, Athanase de Mfcieres and the Louisiana-Texas frontier, 1768-
1780, (Cleveland, 1914, 2v), i, 135.

.
8 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

aged, while the Natchitoches merchants demanded the re-
moval of the restrictions so they might compete with the
contrabandists from the Arkansas.28

The Comanches and Apaches continued to be trouble-
some to the Spaniards throughout the century. De Mezieres
described the Comanches in 1770 :

The Comanche are scattered from the great
Misuris R. to the neighborhood of the frontier
presidios of New Spain. They are a people so nu-
merous and so haughty that when asked their
number, they make no difficulty of comparing it
to that of the stars. They are so skilful in horse-
manship that they have no equal; so daring that
they never ask for or grant truces; and in the
possession of such a territory that, finding in it
an abundance of pasturage for their horses and
an incredible number of cattle which furnish them
raiment, food, and shelter, they . . . have no need
to covet the trade pursued by the rest of the In-
dians. . . .

From these perpetual comings and goings it
arises that the Comanches, relying upon one an-
other, made proud by their great number, and led
by their propensity to steal, let few seasons pass
without committing the most bloody outrages
against the inhabitants of New and Old Mexico.29

The Nations of the North — Bidais, Wichita, Comanches,
and others — who had been obtaining guns from the French,
refused to maintain peaceful relations with the Spaniards
as long as they were not supplied with firearms and ammu-
nition.

It is more to their interest to make war on us ;
for, in exchange for the horses which they steal
they secure whatever they desire from the French ;
and failing to get it from them, they will obtain it
easily, with greater injury to us, from the English,
whom they have so close by that only the Missis-
sippi intervenes. . . .30

28. Ibid., 76.

29. Ibid., 218.

30. Bolton, De Mezteres, op. cit., i, 269-70.

SPREAD OF SPANISH HORSES IN THE SOUTHWEST 9

In the same year, 1770, De Mezieres wrote to Ripperda
concerning an Indian who took droves of horses from the
Taovaya villages to the Missouri to trade with the Panis-
Mahas, returning with English guns and ammunition.31
Gaignard made an expedition up the Red river in the years
1773 and 1774. While among the Pawnees, he saw two
groups of Frenchmen from the Arkansas river who had
come to trade for horses and mules.32

Peace was established with the Nortenos, but it was
short-lived. On this subject, Ripperda wrote in 1772:

Up to the present these latter [the friendly
nations] are keeping the promised peace, except-
ing the Comanches, who keep us disturbed by steal-
ing our droves of horses.33

In the following year, more than one thousand horses
were stolen.34

The Comanches continue to steal horses in
this region [San Antonio]. ... It has been diffi-
cult to overtake the more than one hundred horses
which they carried off. . . ,35

The prices for horses around San Antonio at this time
were: half -broken horses, six pesos; mares in droves, one
peso a head and less ; wild mules, eight pesos.36

The efforts of Spanish officials to stop the trade in
stolen horses generally were of no avail. In the first place,
they were unable to prevent horse-stealing. In 1774, Medina
reported to O'Conor :

The French continue to trade in guns, powder,
and balls, and owe their suppliers more than six
hundred horses. The latter do not raise horses and
mules, and therefore, in order to supply the lack
they have to get them from the Indians in trade ;
and for this it is the rule that the latter, for they

81. Ibid., ii, 301.

32. Ibid., ii, 87-90.

33. Ibid., i, 334.

34. J. D. Arricivita, Crgnica serdfica y apost^lica . . . (Mexico, 1792), 393.

35. Bolton, De Mezieres, op. cit., ii, 31.

36. Ibid., ii, 241-2.

10 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

have no other occupation, come to steal in our
country, as in fact they are doing now. They never
enter this presidio [San Antonio] without taking
of horses and mules when they leave.37

In the same year, the governor of Louisiana complained
that English traders crossed the wild lands and traded with
the Indians in spite of his efforts to prevent it. Juan Ham-
ilton and others, he said, continued to make journeys to the
mouth of the Trinity to buy horses and mules from the In-
dians.38 These men were the forerunners of such later trad-
ers as Philip Nolan.

Horse-stealing was as widespread as the use of horses.
Spaniards who visited tribes in their own territory frequent-
ly spoke of seeing herds that had been stolen from the
Spanish ranches, but they also mentioned the numerous
raiding parties sent against other tribes. Peter Pond, a fur
trader, was among the Sac Indians of the Mississippi valley
in 1773, and he observed how weaker tribes sometimes sup-
plied themselves with horses :

The men often join war parties with other
nations and go against the Indians on the Miseure
and west of that. Sometimes they go near St. Fee
in New Mexico and bring with them Spanish
Horses.39

The province of New Mexico began to be in serious
straits because of the loss of so many horses. In 1775, as a
century earlier, it was necessary for the officials to request
that horses be sent from New Spain to be used in the de-
fense of the province. Fifteen hundred horses were needed
immediately for use against the hostile tribes, Comanches,
Apaches, Navajos, and Utes.40

In 1777, the Panis-Mahas moved south into Texas from

37. Bolton, De Mezieres, op. cit., ii, 34.

38. Ibid., i, 77.

39. H. A. Innis, Peter Pond, fur trader and adventurer, (Toronto, 1930), 37.

40. Archive General y Publica de la Nacion (Mexico), Provincias Internas, tomo
65, pieza 6». "Es expediente formado en el ano de 1775, para franquear el auxilio de
1500 cavallos a los vecindarios del Nuevo Mexico, a fin de q. pudieran defenderse, y
hazer la guerra a los Yndios Enemigos."

SPREAD OF SPANISH HORSES IN THE SOUTHWEST 11

the Missouri.41 Probably their movement was caused by a
desire to be nearer the source of horses, but pressure from
the powerful northern Plains tribes may have been an in-
ducement.

By the time that fur traders penetrated the Northwest,
Spanish horses and mules were common among the Indians
of that area.42 David Thompson told of a Piegan raiding
party of 1787 which traveled far to the south in search of
the Snake (Shoshoni) Indians. The scouts discovered a file
of horses and mules led by Black Men (Spaniards). The
Piegans attacked the train, and the Spaniards withdrew,
leaving the loaded animals. Said Thompson :

I never could learn the number of the ani-
mals [;] those that came to the camp at which I
resided were about thirty horses and a dozen
mules, with a few saddles and bridles. The horses
were about fourteen hands high finely shaped, and
though very tired yet lively, mostly of a dark brown
color, head neat and small, ears short and erect,
eyes fine and clear, fine manes and tails with black
hoofs. The saddles were larger than our english
saddles, the side leather twice as large of thick
well tanned leather of a chocolate color with the
figures of flowers as if done by a hot iron, the
bridles had snaffle bits, heavy and coarse as if
made by a blacksmith with only his hammer.43

A number of traders believed that Indians as far north
as the Mandans and Gros Ventres traded with the Span-
iards, as those tribes were well provided with Spanish sad-
dles and bridles, as well as many horses and mules marked
with well-known Spanish brands.44

During the eighteenth century wild horses became very
numerous in the Southwest. In 1778, De Mezieres traveled
from Bexar to the upper Trinity, Brazos, and Red rivers,
and wrote :

41. Morfi, op. cit., 89-90.

42. Innis, op. cit., 126.

43. J. B. Tyrrell, ed., David Thompson's narrative of his explorations in western
America 1784-1812, (Toronto, 1916), 370-1.

44. A. P. Nasatir (ed.), "Spanish explorations of the Upper Missouri," in Mis-
sissippi Vattey historical review, xiv, 58, 66, 67.

12 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

After leaving the Guadalupe I crossed the
Colorado and Brasos, where there are ... an in-
credible number of Castilian cattle, and herds of
mustangs that never leave the banks of these
streams.45

Morfi, in his history of Texas, also spoke of the herds
of wild horses :

Nothing proves the fertility of the land and
the richness of the soil more than the incredible
number of wild horses and cattle found every-
where.

The number of wild horses and cattle that
graze here [San Gabriel river] ... is incredible.

There are found ... a thousand other aro-
matic plants and species of grass that attract the
wild horses and cattle which multiply so rapidly
that one cannot journey through the province with-
out meeting herds of two, three, and even four
thousand head at a time.46

The first American to engage in the western horse trade
on a large scale was Philip Nolan, who spent several years
among the Comanches. He drove fifty horses to New Orleans
as an experiment; the animals sold so well that Nolan was
induced to make another trip west for horses. In 1794, he
took a herd of 250 to Natchez, where the majority was sold.
Forty-two head were driven to Frankfort, Kentucky, and
disposed of there. Nolan returned to San Antonio, where
he planned to gather a herd of one thousand horses. Horse-
raising had so declined in that region that it was necessary
for Nolan to go to Nuevo Santander for most of his herd.
In 1800, Nolan was again in Texas after horses. He saw
thousands of wild horses on the Trinity and Brazos rivers.
Near the latter river he built a corral, and caught about
three hundred mustangs. At this time, Nolan was killed by
a force which had been sent to apprehend him for illegal
entry into Texas. That he was not the only American en-
gaged in the trade was inferred by Gayoso, governor of

45. Bolton, De Mezieres, op. cit., ii, 187.

46. Morfi, op. cit., 49, 54, 65-6.

SPREAD OF SPANISH HORSES IN THE SOUTHWEST 13

Louisiana, who complained of the constant furtive penetra-
tions by Americans into the Provincias Intemas in search
of horses.47

An interesting account of some of the western horses
which reached Kentucky was given by F. A. Michaux in
1802:

During my so j urn in this State I had an op-
portunity of seeing those wild horses that are
caught in the plains of New Mexico, and which
descend from those that the Spaniards introduced
there formerly. To catch them they make use of
tame horses that run much swifter. . . . They
take them to New Orleans and Natches, where
they fetch about fifty dollars. The crews belong-
ing to the boats that return by land to Kentucky
frequently purchase some of them. The two that
I saw and made a trial of were roan coloured, of a
middling size, the head large, and not proportion-
ate with the neck, the limbs thick, and the mane
rather full and handsome. These horses have a
very unpleasant gait, are capricious, difficult to
govern, and even frequently throw the rider and
take flight.48

47. Garnet M. Brayer, Philip Nolan, (Thesis, Berkeley, 1938), 55.

48. R. G. Thwaites, ed., Early western travels, 1748-1846, (Cleveland, 1904-1907,
32v), iii, 245.

FROM LEWISBURG (PA.) TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849

(Notes from the Diary of William H. Chamberlin)

Edited by LANSING B. BLOOM

IN A recent book1 dealing with gold seekers who went over-
land to California in 1849, one of our esteemed collab-
orators in the field of Southwestern history has called
attention to the fact that "in popular conception, emigration
to California was limited to the northern routes" — the Santa
Fe, Oregon, and Mormon Trails. "That similar scenes were
enacted farther south is not generally known. Few journals
were kept and little has been written about the emigration
here. Yet the amazing scenes of preparation for departure
from Independence across the 'Plains' were repeated on a
smaller scale at Fort Smith and Van Buren, Arkansas, on
the border of the Indian Territory."

Some ten years ago while we were making a short visit
to his ranch about three miles south of Estancia, New Mex-
ico, Mr. J. V. Chamberlin handed us a bundle of old news-
paper clippings which he thought might be of interest to
the readers of our quarterly. The clippings were from the
Lewisburg (Pa.) Saturday News which, during the fall of
1902, had published in twenty-four "chapters" or install-
ments the diary which had been kept by his uncle, William,
while going overland by the Canadian River route. Four of
the installments were found to be missing, but with the help
of an old school chum now living at State College, Pa., we
were able last summer to secure copies of these from the
office of the newspaper which, it seems, is still being pub-
lished in Lewisburg.

The book by Grant Foreman which we have cited is
based on the official report of Capt. Randolph B. Marcy,2

1. Grant Foreman, Marcy and the Gold Seekers (1939), xii.

2. Randolph B. Marcy was a native of Massachusetts and a graduate of the U. S.
Military Academy (1832). He had risen to a captaincy by May 18, 1846; served
during: the Mexican War, and afterwards at Fort Towson and Fort Arbuckle. Still
later, he was to serve in Texas, Florida, and Utah, and was to distinguish himself
during the Civil War. At this time, he was in command of the 5th U. S. Infantry
at Fort Towson. Heitman, Historical Register, I, 689 ; Foreman, op. cit., 145.

14

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 15

enriched by passages from diaries of '49ers who followed
this route, letters, and news items which Mr. and Mrs. Fore-
man were able to glean during some years of diligent and
widely extended research. The diary which we are here
editing did not come to their attention, nor have we seen any
other mention of it. Aside from any other importance which
it may have, the diary is of especial interest because of the
relation which it shows between this little party from Lew-
isburg and the military detachment under Captain Marcy
which had been directed to lay out a new road from Fort
Smith to Chouteau's Trading House (keeping wholly to the
south of the Canadian River) and to escort emigrants com-
ing that way through to Santa Fe. From there, the federal
authorities expected them to find a direct route through to
California over the Old Spanish Trail !

According to his own report,3 Capt. Frederick T. Dent4
left Fort Smith on March 27, 1849, with Lieut. Joseph Upde-
graff5 and twenty-five men, the advance detachment of
Marcy's command which was to mark out the new road.
Captain Marcy himself with the rest of the escort started,
according to previous orders, on April 5 and delayed at
several points on the road to allow emigrants to come up
from the rear. As we shall see, the party of six men from
Lewisburg set out from Fort Smith on March 28 ; the third
day out, they overtook Dent's detachment and from then
until they arrived at Chouteau's the two parties were at no
time far from each other. Indeed, the record seems to show
that the Lewisburg party was in advance much of the time,
pioneering the new road. See, for example, what young

3. "Report of Capt. R. B. Marcy's Route from Fort Smith to Santa Fe," in
Senate Ex. Docs., 31 cong., 1 sess., No. 64, pp. 169-227 ; also in Foreman, op. cit., 134-
141.

4. Frederick T. Dent was a native of Missouri and graduated from the U. S.
Military Academy in 1843. He won two brevets during the Mexican War, but at this
time was a first lieutenant of infantry, captain by brevet. Heitman, Historical Reg-
ister, I, 368. Foreman (op. cit., 141J notes the fact that U. S. Grant was a classmate
at West Point, and after graduation he visited Dent, whose sister Julia he after-
wards married.

5. Joseph Updegraff was a native of Virginia who went into the Mexican War
as a private and came out as a brevet 2nd lieutenant of the 5th U. S. Infantry. Heit-
man, op. cit., I, 978 ; Foreman, op. cit., 146, note.

16 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Chamberlin wrote on April 28: "Lieutenant Dent, to save
his credit, came up with us this evening, alone, determined
to be in advance to Choteau's, so it cannot be said that we
laid out the road for him, although he has ordered the troops
to follow our trail." Of course there is no indication of this
in the official reports of either Dent or Marcy.

CHAPTER I.

1849 — Monday, Feb. 26. We left Lewisburg this morn-
ing about 8 o'clock, with spirits as buoyant as could be
expected, after parting with pur friends and all we hold
near and dear on earth, especially when we take into con-
sideration the long and hazardous journey before us. No
doubt we will soon experience the loss we have sustained in
leaving home, with all its comforts, our friends, and the
many social ties that have heretofore bound us to society.
But the love of adventure and prospect of reward have over-
come all "home feelings," and today finds us on our way
towards the great point of attraction. Our company consists
of R. B. Green, D. Howard, John Musser, S. F. Schaffle, Cy-
rus Fox and myself. If but a small portion of the good
wishes of our friends (I hope we have left no enemies) are
realized, we will be amply rewarded. Three weeks ago I had
not the slightest idea of going, and within that time I have
been obliged to take an inventory, settle up my business, and
make preparations for the journey, being busily engaged up
to the moment of departure. I did not have the pleasure of
seeing all my friends, which I regret very much, but if I
live, will make up for all deficiencies on my return. I was
advised to go by some, by others, (the greater number) to
stay at home, but my mind was made up. Stayed at Musser's,
Millheim.

Tuesday, Feb. 27. — After seeing the friends that ac-
companied us safe on their way home, we started on our
way westward. Raining, which makes travelling very un-
pleasant. Arrived at Stover's inn about dark, and sat down
to an excellent supper of ham, eggs, etc., to which we did
ample justice.

Wednesday, Feb. 28. — Entered Huntingdon county af-
ter leaving Stover's. The mud very deep, and almost im-
passible, until we reach the turnpike, within seven miles of
Water Street. The winter grain looks bad, being severely
frozen. Passed several furnaces and forges on Spruce creek,

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 17

and a great number are in operation in the vicinity. Al-
though this hilly country is not so well adapted to agriculture
as other portions of the State, it fully makes up in mineral
wealth. The scenery is romantic and beautiful, especially
along the banks of the Juniata river. The Central Railroad
company have commenced tunneling the mountain at the
mouth of Spruce creek. Dined at Water Street, and arrived
at Hollidaysburg, 6 o'clock this evening. This place, situated
at the connection of the canal and railroad, commands a
large portion of trade, and has quite a business-like appear-
ance.

Thursday, March 1. — One of our wagons being out of
repair, we did not leave until 10 o'clock. Walked about 8
miles this morning which whetted our appetites for a lunch,
which we partook of at the mountain toal-gate, with many
good wishes for Mrs. Glen G., who with prudent forsight
had provided us with bread, ham, etc. If we had our wagons
upon runners we could get along with less labor to the teams,
there being several inches of snow upon the ground. Arrived
at the Summit House about 4 o'clock and concluded to stop
for the night, having traveled about 10 miles to-day. Col.
J. W. Geary, a resident of this place, started for California
a short time since, with the commission of postmaster at
San Francisco.6

Friday, March 2. — Left Summit about 6 o'clock, entered
Cambria county this afternoon. Passed through Edensburg
— the country very rough on all sides, and thinly settled.
Rain and sleet fell during the whole day, which made our
journeying very unpleasant. Stopped at Armagh.

Saturday, March 3. — Snow fell during the night, and
this morning it is several inches deep. Our wagons draw
very heavy. Reached Blairsville at 12 o'clock, had a check
and concluded to take stage for Pittsburg, with our heavy
trunks — ten passengers in all. Got along pretty well until
within 13 miles of Pittsburg, when we stuck in the mud,
about midnight, but by "putting our shoulders to the wheels,"
we succeeded in getting along at the rate of three miles in
five hours — walked all the way, and were pretty well ex-
hausted when we reached Pittsburg in the morning.

Sunday, March 4. — At 6 a.m. put up at Exchange Hotel,

6. H. H. Bancroft, History of California, vi, 213, note 63, tells us that John W.
Geary was born in Westmoreland county, Pa., and rose to prominence in Pittsburgh
as a civil engineer and railroad president. He served in the Mexican War with the
2nd. Pa. Volunteers, and rose to the rank of colonel; he was wounded in the battle
of Chapultepec. On January 22, 1849, he was appointed postmaster of San Francisco,
and "with his family he reached San Francisco on the Oregon on April 1st."

18 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

our clothes literally mud from head to foot ; called on a bar-
ber, and after being washed, shaved and changed, we felt
somewhat relieved. Walked out to take a look at the "Iron
City." Cannot say that I was much pleased with its general
appearance, everything the eye rests upon having a dark,
dingy appearance, caused by the dust falling around from
the numerous iron works which are constantly belching forth
fire and smoke, yet the traveler cannot but notice the bustle
and din of business in this great manufacturing town. The
West and South are the markets for her products. Thou-
sands of laboring men find employment in these establish-
ments, and make a comfortable livelihood for themselves
and families.

Monday, March 5. — Kelly and Herbst arrived this
morning with our wagons and baggage. We engaged pas-
sage on board the steamship "Winf ield Scott," Capt. Deven-
ny, to the mouth of the Arkansas river, at $10 apiece and $7
freight for our two wagons. The boat is new, and runs her
first trip down the river. Rained all day, the Ohio river ris-
ing. We are all very anxious to be off.

Tuesday, March 6. — After pulling our wagons aboard,
Kelly and Herbst started for home. Purchasing tools, cook-
ing utensils, clothing, etc. Commenced boarding on the boat
this morning. Met T. Sargeant, formerly of Lewisburg, and
Mr. Hoons, besides several other acquaintances.

Wednesday, March 7. — Engaged purchasing India rub-
ber goods, etc. Our boat left the Pittsburg landing about 6
o'clock p.m. We have few passengers aboard. The cabins
are elegantly furnished, and the table covered with the choic-
est viands. The bar is well filled up, where the choicest liq-
uors and cigars are dealt out. We purchased an "Airometer"
to-day, of the inventor, Mr. Aiken, for the purpose of weigh-
ing and ascertaining the value of gold.

Thursday, March 8. — Came to at M'Farlin's Ware-
house, in sight of Steubenville, Ohio, and took aboard 1500
bbls. of flour. Occupied the greater part of the day. The
telegraph wires cross the river at this place. The river being
high, the pipes of the steamboat "Messenger" on her way up
came in contact, and broke one of the lines. We have Ohio
on our right and Virginia on our left hand. The scenery on
either shore is very fine; at times rich tracts of cultivated
country, stretching away as far as the eye can reach, on
either hand, and again nothing but bold, barren hills pre-
senting themselves. Landed at Steubenville this evening. It
being the captain's place of residence, our cabin was soon
filled with visitors admiring the new boat, etc.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 19

Friday, March 9. — Dropped down the river a few miles
this morning and took on 750 bbls. flour. In the meantime
some of us went ashore and amused ourselves by firing at
a target. I made the best shot and my rifle proved herself a
first-class shooter. Reached Wheeling this evening. Before
we arrived, a young man, said to be of respectable family,
had a violent fit of "mania potu." He had been drinking for
some days, and was in great distress; but he recovered so
as to go on shore when we landed. Took aboard 500 bbls. of
flour at this place. The amount stowed away in one of these
boats is almost incredible. Mr. M'Donald and myself went
to a concert by the "Eddy Family." They have improved
very much since I heard them sing in Lewisburg. Mr.
Schmidt performed his part on the guitar admirably. The
river is now very full, being 25 feet above low water mark.

Saturday, March 10. — Left Wheeling at 8 o'clock;
stopped at Marietta this afternoon. This is the oldest town
in the State of Ohio, and a handsome place, resembling Lew-
isburg in some respects. There is a college here, and a
burying-ground in the suburbs, in which stands a large
mound filled with human skeletons. It is not known whether
it was an Indian burial place, or the work of an antediluvian
race; the former is the general supposition. Several of us
visited this curiosity during our short stay.

Sunday, March 11. — Arrived at Portsmouth. It has a
business-like appearance — windows shut and door open for
trade. Very little respect is paid to the Sabbath in places
situated on these western thoroughfares. Spent the day in
reading, not forgetting a few chapters in the book of books.
Weather warm and sultry, with thunder showers this eve-
ning. The dense fog obliged us to come to anchor.

Monday, March 12. — Arrived at Cincinnati about 7
o'clock a.m. The fog was so dense that we could see nothing
of the surrounding country, which is said to present a beau-
tiful appearance, being under a high state of cultivation, and
abounding in vineyards, fruitgardens, etc."; but after the fog
broke away we had a fine view of the business portion of the
"Queen City." In population and substantial wealth it is,
perhaps, increasing faster than any city in the Union, and
its vast resources and commercial facilities, together with
the enterprising spirit of her citizens, are destined to make
Cincinnati one of the first inland cities in the world. Here
we purchase provisions for our over-land journey — bacon,
ham, dried beef, flour, cornmeal, hard bread, beans, rice,
coffee, sugar, tea, saleratus, salt, pepper, chocolate, etc. Left
Cincinnati at 4 o'clock p.m.

20 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Tuesday, March 13. — Some new passengers aboard ; the
evening agreeably spent, music, reading, anecdotes, etc. The
porter on this boat is four feet high and as broad as long.
We have dubbed him "Gen. Taylor," and have a great deal
of sport at his expense. Being an endless joker himself he
stands a butt for all who may aim at him. Arrived at Louis-
ville this morning, just as we turned out of our berths. It
makes a fine appearance from the river, and does not deceive
its looks. I was better pleased with Louisville than any of
the western towns we have passed through. Here we made
our last purchases of over-land equipments, including a few
trinkets, beads, rings, vermillion, etc., to barter with the In-
dians. Goods of all kinds command a percentage here,
judging from the rates we paid for some articles. Left Lou-
isville about 10 o'clock a.m., passing through the falls, but
the river being so full, we scarcely noticed them, although
entirely impassable in times of low water. Passed Shippen-
port, Ky., and New Albany and Troy, Indiana. The appear-
ance of the country on both sides of the river would warrant
a productive soil. To-day I notice trees coming out in leaf,
frogs singing, and all nature wears the aspect of early
spring.

Wednesday, March 14. — A clear and beautiful morning,
and a cloudless sky, welcomed us this my 21st birthday.
With what fond anticipation does the child look forward to
that eventful day that shall make him a "man." He forms
plans and builds "castles in the air," which his restless am-
bition is doomed never to realize when he arrives at that
period. As time glides along, and he passes from childhood
to youth, his asperations weaken, and continue to grow faint-
er during his rise from youth to manhood. He is not sensible
of the change, and all the fond imaginations of his bright
and joyous days are forgotten or give place to other thoughts
and feelings. This has certainly been my experience. Little
did I think, years ago, when I "wished I was a man," that
this day would find me in my present situation with the
present object in view. — But I am off my subject. The coun-
try on both sides of the river is flat, the banks full and over-
flowing in some places. The settlements along the banks,
for some time have presented a most squalid appearance,
wretched cabins, sunk in the sand and mud, surrounded with
drifts, destitute of outhouses. Evansville, in the distance
looks like a small place, and is the largest town in Indiana.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 21

CHAPTER II.

Thursday, March 15. — Using the river water has given
some of us accustomed to limestone water a severe diarrhoea.
Many feared it was the cholera, which is prevailing to some
extent in this country, but we soon found out to the contrary,
much to our satisfaction. Landed at Cairo, situated at the
junction of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. It is a poor,
distressed looking place, almost inundated at present. The
characteristics of these two rivers differ very materially.
While the Ohio is one continued broad, smooth stream, the
waters of the Mississippi are most turbulent, very crooked,
cut up by islands, and running in different channels. Its
banks are low and overflowing in many places at present.
Sometimes for miles it is lined with cotton-wood' trees of dif-
ferent growths. These regular varieties in size are caused,
I suppose, by the formation of new banks, and the deposits
of seed, as the river changes its channels. Every now and
then we see a lone squatter living in something that has the
shape of a habitation, but generally so small and wretched
looking (surrounded by water when the river is up) that a
person can scarcely but wonder how human beings can con-
tent themselves in such an isolated, and apparently miser-
able condition. But I am told that they are contented with
their lot, which is a blessing many in far more enviable situa-
tions do not enjoy. They procure the necessaries of life by
furnishing the steamboat with wood, and occasionally we see
a garden patch or a small lot fenced in and planted. It ap-
pears to be the highest ambition to live "from hand to
mouth," as it is called, and wrestle with the fever-and-ague,
which is their constant enemy. Like Daniel Boone, they
think that when a person settles within twenty miles of them
they are getting "too neighborly" and wish to encroach upon
their rights. I cannot envy the condition of the poor squat-
ter on the lonely banks of the Mississippi. I would prefer a
log cabin, with a dog and a gun, amongst the wildest moun-
tains of old Pennsylvania. I am no admirer of flat or prairie
country; I imagine it will be severe on the eyes when the
sight is unobstructed by forests, or blue mountains in the
distance. Today we saw the first canebrake ; they are beau-
tiful, being ever-green.

Friday, March 16. — A delightful morning. Passed a
number of cotton plantations, with a row of negro huts
near the mansion houses; some of them looked very com-
fortable. Landed at Memphis about noon — weather almost
insupportably warm. The town is situated upon a bluff, and

22 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

has considerable trade, principally in cotton. It is said there
are fifty cases of cholera in town. We lay here half a day,
discharging freight. The U. S. navy yard at this place is
under way, and is a very heavy contract. About 200 Cali-
fornians are assembled here from different parts of the
South, making preparations for starting. The half of the
population of Memphis are slaves. We saw some specimens
of the traffic to-day. An Arkansas lawyer purchased a little
girl and brought her on board. She was literally torn from
the arms of her mother, and their mingled cries were truly
distressing. Another case was of two little brothers. The
purchaser was taking them to Red River, Louisiana; they,
too, had been taken from their parents, and looked and no
doubt felt as though they had buried father and mother. An-
other was a planter, who told me he had run short of change,
and to replenish his purse, he selected one of his slaves, a
comely looking fellow, about twenty-three years of age, and
was taking him to the New Orleans market. He was in
chains ; his master said it was because he refused to go, or
in other words, as I learned from the slave himself, to be
torn away from his wife, whom he loved and had been mar-
ried to about four months. I did not wonder at his refusing
to go. But more happy and contented beings than slaves do
not exist, when well treated and properly clothed. No mat-
ter how hard they are continually singing, jesting, etc. To
sit an hour or two on the wharf at Memphis and listen to
their peculiar lingo, was a rare treat to me. Corn has been
already planted in this part of the country, and peach trees
are out in full bloom.

Saturday, March 17. — Left Memphis yesterday morn-
ing, and arrived at Napoleon, at the mouth of the Arkansas,
this evening. This place consists of several old steamboats
converted into storehouses, hotels, etc., and two or three
"stray buildings." We stowed our traps, and took lodgings
in one of these wretched wharf boats, while the "Winfield
Scott" sped on her way towards the "Crescent City." Suc-
cess to her and all on board. This abject looking place ill
deserves the lofty name it bears. Everything about our
boarding house appeared filthy, and the victuals were almost
disgusting.

Sunday, March 18. — There being about forty Califor-
nians here, awaiting a passage to Fort Smith, I was obliged
to sleep on the floor last night. Caught a catfish this after-
noon, which we considered quite a feat ; he was a monster,
weighing 45 pounds. Some straggling Cherokee Indians
about here, on their way to St. Louis to dispose of their furs.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 23

They are in canoes, and are very poor. They remind me of
the "last run of shad." About 3 o'clock this afternoon we
started up the Arkansas, on board boat "Wm. Armstrong/'
a small propeller, which we engaged to go through to Fort
Smith for $15 per man and $8 per wagon. The river is in
good, navigable order, and the water is more turbid than
either the Ohio or the Mississippi, rather inclined to be red.
The banks are lined with cypress, cottonwood and cane-
brake.

Monday, March 19. — Rained all night; river falling,
and full of snags; the current is very strong, but we are
making good time. Arrived at Pine Bluffs about 2 p.m. It
is a small but pleasant village, situated upon a high bluff
overlooking the surrounding country. Saw some pine timber
here (growing) , which is the first we have met since leaving
Penn'a. I was very much deceived in the general appearance
of the Arkansas country. Shortly after leaving the Missis-
sippi the banks became higher, well timbered, and an appar-
ently finer looking country I have never seen ; but I am told
the soil is rather light. There is a bluff on one side of the
river, while the opposite side is low lands, and the formation
changes sides alternately. Cotton and corn are the staple
products of this country. It is said to be very healthy here,
and is certainly a great opening for emigrants. We amused
ourselves to-day by firing at ducks and geese off the deck of
the boat; but made few successful shots. The accommoda-
tions on board are very indifferent and the fare horrid; all
the meats appear to have been in a putrid state before cook-
ing. Complaint was made by the passengers, (and we after-
ward had the satisfaction of eating some of our own
provisions, not knowing it at the time) .

Tuesday, March 20. — Awakened this morning by a vio-
lent storm. It came on about 2 o'clock, accompanied by
thunder and lightning and high winds. Hail fell about the
size of an egg. The boat was blown upon a sand-bar, which
saved us from being capsized. By the screams of the wild
geese, we supposed they were sorely pelted. After the storm
subsided we cleared the sand-bar and arrived at Little Rock
about day-break. This place, which is the capital of the
State, contains from 4000 to 5000 inhabitants. It is situated
upon a high rocky bluff, from which it derives its name;
(these are the first rocks we have seen since leaving the Ohio
river). It is a well built, healthy and pleasant place. The
government buildings are substantially and handsomely sit-
uated. There are a number of fine private residences in
town, the yards, gardens, etc., of which are adorned with a

24 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

great deal of taste, and the inhabitants are generally of the
best class of society. A short distance above Little Rock we
met with the first mountains since leaving the Ohio, and
they are but hills compared with those of Pennsylvania. We
have passengers aboard bound for California from Ohio,
Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas,
South Carolina, and other of the Southern States. They are
generally young and hardy looking.

Wednesday, March 21. — Another violent storm last
night; rain fell in torrents. We arrived at Lewisburg this
morning. It is an insignificant looking place; has nothing
to recommend it, and bears no resemblance to the Lewisburg
we left behind us. Arrived at Ozark City at 10 o'clock a.m.
From the appearance of the place the founder's expectations
could never have been realized. The Ozark chain, that crosses
the State here, gives the country a more mountainous ap-
pearance. The current of the river is becoming very rapid
and difficult to ascend. Reached Van Buren about dark. This
was published a rendezvous for emigrants. We had thought
of stopping here, but concluded to go on to Fort Smith, five
miles ahead, where we arrived at 8 o'clock p.m. The boat
immediately discharged her passengers and freight and put
off down the river. When we succeeded in getting our traps
together, we found our groceries missing. This explained
the cause of our change of fare aboard the boat. But she
was off, leaving us to renew our loss as best we could. There
being no storehouses here, we were under the necessity of
lying on the bank all night to protect our baggage. This was
our first night's experience in "camping out."

Thursday, March 22. — After passing a sleepless night,
we proposed to go out and encamp at Sulphur Springs, about
two miles distant from town. Fort Smith is quite a village,
situated on the east or Arkansas side of the river, containing
about 1000 inhabitants, made up of people from all parts
of the States, slaves and Indians included. It is an Indian
trading station, and every day they come to town in num-
bers, bringing furs, marketing, etc., to exchange for the
necessaries of life. There are a number of government
troops quartered here, and the fort and outbuildings are
brick, adding greatly to the appearance of the town. The
government buildings are enclosed by a heavy stone wall.

Friday, March 23. — Green and Musser gone to Van
Buren to purchase mules. The boat Pennyweight arrived
to-day from New Orleans and discharged a cargo of Cali-
fornians. They buried seven persons on the way up who
died with the cholera. Purchased another stock of groceries,

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 25

which we are busy sacking, drying and smoking our bacon,
etc.

Saturday, March 24. — Bought seven mules at $50 a
head. Mr. Armstrong, from Ralston, Pa., arrived to-day and
joined our company. We use the sulphur water, although the
taste is rather nauseous. If we do not require its medical
virtues, it cannot injure us. Our mules are in bad condition,
which will require us to travel slow in the start.

Sunday, March 25. — Went to hear the far-famed Mr.
John Newland Maflit preach. I knew him by reputation, but
had never seen or heard him before. He is certainly an elo-
quent speaker, but I came to the conclusion that he is more
renowned for eccentricity, than either piety or the future
welfare of his listeners. He was formerly of the Methodist
Church, but is now an "outsider." Although upwards of fifty
years of age, he does not appear to be more than thirty, and
I am inclined to think that more of his time is spent at the
toilet than at the Bible. There appears to be more regard
for the day in camp than in town.

Monday, March 26. — Musser went to Van Buren after
our mules. The weather is fine, tempting us to start. We
are anxious to be on our way and will get off as soon as pos-
sible. Purchased three mules at about $50 per head. We
have now five to each wagon, intending to purchase riding
ponies from the Indians on our way. Having our mules shod,
wagons repaired, and making every necessary preparation
we can think of.

Tuesday, March 27. — Judging from the amount of goods
sold to the emigrants at this place, and the prices realized,
the self-interested citizens of Fort Smith could well afford
to publish to the world the many advantages (no doubt ex-
aggerated) this place has as a starting point, for an over-
land journey to California. The gamblers are fleecing many
persons, who will be obliged to return home and take a new
start. We disposed of our provision chests and exchanged
our tent for a larger and more convenient one; purchased
saddles, extra mule shoes, pickets, etc.

Wednesday, March 28. — Commenced raining this morn-
ing; packed our wagons harnessed to our gaunt looking
mules, and rolled out about 3 o'clock this afternoon. Our
teams moved off finely ; the road very bad ; continues raining.
Encamped on a small run; no grass; fed our animals upon
corn, which we brought with us. We use our camp chest as
a table; we have an abundance of blankets, with which we
make ourselves comfortable. After enjoying our humble
supper of coffee, bacon and biscuit, we retired to rest, pretty

26 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

well pleased with pur first day's journey, and were lulled to
sleep by the hooting of owls and the howling of wolves. We
appointed a guard which is to be kept up throughout the
journey, each standing half a night, alternately. Distance,
six miles.

CHAPTER III.

Thursday, March 29. — Traveled over a very bad road,
the wheels sometimes sinking to the axles, but our mules did
not flinch. Ferried over Polo river, a sluggish stream about
40 yards wide. Passed through the "Choctaw Agency"; a
great many Indians and squaws were lounging about the
place; some of them have pretty comfortable cabins, and
cultivate a few acres of ground.7 They are very fond of
dress ; some of the squaws were clad in calicoes of the most
gaudy colors. Some of them had "papooses" lashed to a
wicker frame, swung over their backs. In this way they
carry them for a whole day, not even loosing them when they
suckle, and the little "brats" never murmur. Liquor is not
allowed to be sold in the nation ; this is a law of their own,
and a very sensible one. Indeed, it would be an example
worthy of imitation by our enlightened States. They raise
a great many horses, cattle, hogs, poultry, etc. There is a
detachment of government soldiers in advance of us, sur-
veying a new route for emigrants on the south side of the
Canadian river to the plains of "Great American desert,"
thence on to Santa Fe, on the same side of the river.8 Capt.
Rl B. Marcy, with a detachment of U. S. troops, is to leave
Fort Smith in a few days as an escort to the company of
emigrants from that place. He is to travel by this new route.
Strange that persons living upon the borders or frontier as
the Fort Smith people do, accustomed to dealing with the
Indians, require an escort of troops, while many of us from
the States, who never saw an Indian, are obliged to fight
and cut our own way. Senator Borland, of Arkansas, whose
influence brought all this about, must be a 'cute old 'un.
When we came to where the new road struck off from the

7. "More than 400 wagons passed the Choctaw agency during the first three
weeks of April on their way from Fort Smith to California." Foreman, op. cit., 155,
note, quoting the Fort Smith Herald of Apr. 25, 1849.

8. At the beginning of his official report, Captain Marcy speaks of this detach-
ment of twenty men under Lieut. J. Updegraff as having been sent forward to assist
Captain Dent in examining the country and opening the new road. Foreman, op. cit.,
152. As already stated, Marcy himself with the rest of his detachment was to start on
April 5.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 27

old one, we were influenced to take the former by a man
stationed there for the purpose. We were the first that trav-
eled it,9 except the military detachment, which consists of
two wagons and 25 men, who are but a few miles ahead of
us — and ahead of them, a wilderness of 250 miles! They
are guided by the old Delaware Indian trail, which runs
about 20 degrees S. of W. to the edge of the plains. We
crossed a prairie a few miles in width; the ground is very
soft; once we mired down, and it was only by unloading,
double-teaming, and putting our shoulders to the wheel, that
we succeeded in getting the wagon out. Obliged to encamp
on the prairie, but found enough wood and water to answer
our purposes. Saw a great many grouse and prairie snipe
to-day; but, either because they were too wild, or we inex-
perienced in the art, did not succeed in killing them. Dis-
tance, 22 miles ; 28 miles out.

Friday, March 30. — Started early. Soon found the r<5ad
almost impassable. This portion of the prairie had been
lately burned over, which made it much worse. Mired both
wagons and mules very frequently, and it required all our
strength, ingenuity and courage to get them out. We almost
despaired getting through, for scarcely would we get them
out, until they were in again. Came up with the troops this
evening, and encamped with them in a beautiful spot on
the border of a small prairie, through which ran a brook of
clear, delicious water. The air was perfumed by a variety
of shrubbery that grew along its banks, now in full bloom.
Saw a few deer at a distance to-day. Out of corn for pur
mules, and the grass too short to afford them much nourish-
ment. Very much fatigued by the day's labor, and turned
in early. Distance, 5 miles — 33.

Saturday, March 31. — Became acquainted with Lieuts.
Dent and Updegraff — both apparently clever fellows. Dent
has a brother in California. Almost worn out, but "necessity
is the mother of invention," and we do not find ourselves in
so great a dilemma, when our teams bog down, as we did at
first, having learned to extricate them with less difficulty.
Again encamped on a small stream, on the skirts of a "min-
iature prairie." This evening Howard and myself each
mounted a mule, and started in search of corn for our suf-
fering animals ; after following a trail about three miles, we

9. Chamberlin so believed when he wrote this in his diary. Later, on April 7,
he speaks of "a mess of Texians" with whom they caught up who "had left Fort
Smith several weeks ago" and who were waiting for company but "scarcely knew
where they were going." Perhaps, however, he did not regard them as an organized
company.

28 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

came to a cabin of an Indian. He at first said he had none,
but we knew by the stalks in his patch that he was lying ; we
were determined to have it, which he saw and gave in. We
got as much as our animals could carry for $1.00 per hun-
dred ears. In the meantime the old squaw was busily engaged
dissecting a fine wild turkey, which she did without much
ceremony, using her hands instead of a knife. Night over-
took us and it was with difficulty we found our way back to
camp, which we reached in time to partake of a hearty
though simple supper. Distance, 4 miles — 37.

Sunday, April 1. — Did not move camp. If ever the Sab-
bath was required as a day of "rest," this was, as well for
our animals as ourselves ; but idleness in camp becomes mo-
notony, and as we could not endure that, some of us went
gunning, and others fishing. I shot several large fox squir-
rels ; others caught some small fish, resembling what we call
sunfish. Our game made us a very palatable supper. The
troops moved on this morning. The Sabbath is not observed
in the army.10 We have crossed several mountains and found
abundance of iron ore and indications of coal. The soil in
the valleys and prairies is undoubtedly good, judging from
the luxuriant growth of grass in season. The Indians with
their rude implements of cultivating the ground, raise fine
crops of corn, although from their natural distaste of labor,
they seldom grow more than they require for their own sus-
tenance. While out gunning, strolling along an Indian trail,
I almost trod upon a very large rattlesnake, stretched across
the path. He commenced making music for me in a very high
tone, but I silenced it by a bullet through his pate. Saw a
number of deer, but could not get within shooting distance
of them. The water in this neighborhood has a milky ap-
pearance. A number of Indians and squaws visited us to-
day, begging tobacco, bread, etc. They are on their way to
the agency, to traffic and encamp near us. The squaws imi-
tate the men in riding by sitting astride the animal.

Monday, April 2. — Cloudy, indicating rain; the road
somewhat better. Purchased some corn at $1.00 per bushel.
Traveled over mountains and strips of prairie, the scenery
varied and beautiful. Met an American in company with
some Indians; they had been out on a hunting excursion.

10. Probably young Chamberlin had seen little of army life, and this sounds like
a bit of prejudice. A quick glance at Marcy's report, for example, shows that his
command did not move on Sundays, May 6, 13, and 20 ; and on May 27 we read :
"Today (Sunday) in accordance with a rule I have adopted, we "lay by," to give
the men time to wash, and the animals to graze and recruit." Foreman, op. cit., 198,
204r 212, 217.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 29

The American had six fine wild turkeys suspended from his
saddle. He had lived with the Indians a number of years,
and adopted their dress and customs. He was an intelligent
man and said that he had been educated at one of the best
literary institutions in the States, and received his diploma.
What induced him to forsake civilized society and dwell
among savages, he did not inform us. He certainly has a
romantic fancy. The military ahead of us had very impru-
dently set the prairie on fire; it was rushing toward us,
consuming everything before it; we could not retreat, but,
halting our teams, some of us went ahead and encountering
it at the edge of the woods, and after a severe effort, suc-
ceeded in arresting its progress in one spot wide enough for
our wagons to pass through, which they did in safety. It
was a fearful sight, and we were lucky in escaping the de-
vouring flames so easily. We encamped on the skirt of the
woods, bordering on a prairie, where we found a small pool
of almost stagnant water. Purchased fowls, sweet potatoes,
and peanuts, of some Indians, who had followed us all after-
noon for the purpose of trading. The woods and prairies on
fire all around our camp. Distance, 1 mile — 49.

Tuesday, April 3. — After the wagons started this morn-
ing, I rambled through the woods and shot a fine mess of
pigeons and partridges, and had a long tramp before I again
overtook the company. Met an old Indian of whom we pur-
chased some eggs, or "chickens," as they call them in broken
English. The Choctaws are very dark colored. A good pony
can be purchased of them for $5. Very thoughtlessly, I did
not purchase one, for while we were making such short
stages, I preferred walking, and gunning occasionally, to
taking care of an extra animal. (I had reasons afterwards
for repenting this negligence.) The road to-day was very
good in comparison with what we have passed, except cross-
ing the San Boy river, a stream 10 yards wide and pretty
deep. The hills here abound in iron ore. Encamped on Coop-
er's creek this evening.11 The grass is about three or four
inches high and affords indifferent pasture for our stock.
Some of the landscape scenery is truly fine being a constant
succession of hills, vallies, woodland, and prairies, the last
of which are now clothed in green interspersed with in-
numerable wild flowers of every variety and hue. Occasion-
ally our table is furnished with a dish of "green" or wild
onions. The old Indian trail, in many places, is not more
than a foot wide, by which thousands pass yearly on their

11. Foreman, op. cit., 156, remarks: "Cooper's Creek appears as Beaver Creek
on modern maps."

30 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

way to the settlements to trade. The timber in this country,
which is principally oak, is rather scrubby. Distance, 12
miles — 61.

Wednesday, April 4. — In the course of the day we
crossed the bridge, very difficult of ascent and descent.
Overtook the government train and encamped on a stream
of good water. I shot a very large hare, which made us an
excellent supper and breakfast. Purchased some corn of an
Indian by the way, and found we could get as much for three
or four dimes as for a dollar, they preferring small change,
and at the same time we gave them full value for their
grain. They generally treat us very civilly, and never at-
tempt to pilfer even the most trifling article. Distance, 9
miles — 70.

Thursday, April 5. — Started early, but owing to the
bad state of the road, we made but little progress, crossing
many deep ravines, and encamped early. Rain this evening,
but our tent comfortable. I shot eight gray squirrels as we
traveled along to-day, which furnished a savory dish this
evening. Distance, 6 miles — 76.

Friday, April 6. — In to-day's journey we crossed a
beautiful prairie about 8 miles in width, and over a very
difficult mountain. A deep and apparently impassible ravine
was now before us ; this we crossed with less trouble than
we anticipated, but not without a hard struggle on the part
of our teams, which we doubled. A very heavy thunder
shower now fell upon us, wetting us completely. Shortly
afterwards we reached the bank of Games' creek.12 This,
after another hard siege, we forded, and encamped on the
opposite bank about noon. The rain continued falling in
torrents all night. We thought of encamping on the other
side, but luckily for us we did not, for immediately after we
crossed it commenced rising, and was soon full, the banks
at least 30 feet high. There is a small mongrel settlement
near us consisting of half-breeds, Indians, and negroes,
which is reported as a place infested with thieves and rob-
bers. The spot where we are encamped, although the best
we can find, is a perfect mud hole. Distance, 11 miles — 87.

Saturday, April 7. — Heavy showers continued falling
during the night, and it has not ceased this morning. The
military are encamped on the other side, where they must
remain until the water falls. About noon we struck our tent,
traveled about 3 miles, and encamped on another stream, so

12. Marcy identifies Games' creek as "the south fork of the Canadian." Fore-
man speaks of it as "the east branch of the South Fork of the Canadian" (op. cit., 156,
note ) .

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 31

swollen as to be impassible. There is a mess of Texians on
the opposite bank, who have been waiting for several days
for company. They had left Fort Smith several weeks ago
and followed the Indian trail thus far. They scarcely knew
where they were going, but I suppose had heard of Califor-
nia, knew it was westward, and were pushing forward in
that direction. Distance, 3 miles — 90.

Sunday, April 8. — On "watch" until 1 o'clock this morn-
ing. Stormed all night, making it impossible to trade or do
anything else; we are almost swamped in mud and water,
and are obliged to lay in our tents.

Monday, April 9. — Rained all night, cleared off this
morning. Our mules wandered off during the night, but
found them this afternoon ; unable to proceed on account of
the soft state of the earth. Busy drying bed clothes, repair-
ing wagons, etc.

Tuesday, April 10. — Remained in camp for reasons giv-
en yesterday, engaged airing our provisions, washing our
clothes, etc. The large, flat stones on the bank of the stream
answer admirably instead of a wash machine, and the ap-
pearance of our linen, when "hung up to dry," would reflect
honor upon a washerwoman skilled in the art. Endeavored
to catch some of the small fish that appear to abound in the
stream, but with little success. Howard fired at a deer yes-
terday but without effect. Quarreling among the soldiers,
and punishment accordingly. Whisky the cause.

Wednesday, April 11. — Our teams were again under
way this morning and crossed the stream a short distance
above. The prairies and hills are very soft, but we got along
tolerably well. The army kept along the side of the moun-
tain, but after upsetting both wagons, they concluded to
come back to the trail, which we had not left. Stopped at 4
o'clock. We have been in the Chickasaw Indian country
since leaving Games' creek. They are fairer in complexion
than the Choctaws ; some of them can speak a little English.
They grow some corn and vegetables. Distance, 10 miles —
100.

CHAPTER IV.

Thursday, April 12. — Made an early start; road very
bad ; frequently had to take the axe and cut out a new one,
to avoid swampy places. About 11 o'clock we overtook the
military, who were badly bogged, and shortly afterwards
encamped, having apparently got to our journey's end;
swamps, creeks and mountains on all sides. What we will

32 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

do next is yet to be determined ; some exploring will have to
be done. While washing the other day, the sun burned my
arms severely ; they are now swollen and very painful. Rain-
ing to-day, very cold and unpleasant. If I had been told
before starting that we could pass over such a country and
roads, I would not have believed it ; but perseverance accom-
plishes wonders. Our wagons have held together in places
where I expected them to be "smashed into pi." We are all
in good health and spirits; our only cause for complaint is
that we do not get along faster towards our place of destina-
tion. Walking all day gives us a keen relish for our frugal
fare, which we enjoy while seated around our camp chest.
Many a joke is cracked and many an anecdote of by-gone
days is related. We almost forget that we have heretofore
lived in a civilized country, and enjoyed the good things of
the world. Nearly every day we grace our table with a dish
of game, which take the place of bacon, and though not ac-
companied with the "fixin's" generally used in cooking, it
is not to be sneered at. We find our India rubber coats, caps,
beds, etc., very useful in case of rain, and the ground is
constantly damp. Carrying an extra supply of clothing is
an absurd idea, and I never would do it again. We have not
a fowling piece in the company for shooting small game,
which we regret very much.

Friday, April 13. — Remained in camp to-day. Another
heavy thunder shower. From all appearances we will not
reach "Choteau's" for weeks to come. We are within a few
hundred yards of Coal creek, which we shall be obliged to
cross.13 It is much swollen and the water very cold. Another
company has overtaken us, consisting of six tailors, lacking
three of the complement necessary to "make a man," which
is no joke in this instance, for, from their outward appear-
ance, they are certainly "out of their element."14 They and
the Texians crossed the creek to-day. It was a foolish and

13. A comparison of distances from Fort Smith as given by this diary and by
Marcy makes it probable that the Lewisburg party crossed Coal creek by what
Marcy calls "the second ford." Foreman, op. cit., 157.

14. One is curious to know where this young Pennsylvanian had picked up the
old English proverb that "Nine tailors make a man." Had he been reading Thomas
Carlyle, whose Sartor Resartus was published in 1833-34? In Book III, chapter 11,
that author takes the proverb back into the 16th century in the passage: "Does it
not stand on record that the English Queen Elizabeth, receiving a deputation of
eighteen tailors, addressed them with a 'Good morning, gentlemen both !' " As if
there were but two men in her presence. Ben Johnson, Shakespeare, and others seem
to have allusions to the proverb ; or again, in a letter of July 26, 1819, Sir Walter
Scott wrote: "They say it takes nine tailors to make a man — apparently, one is suffi-
cient to ruin him." New English Dictionary on Historical Principles, vol. ix, Part 2,
"tailor."

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 33

unnecessary undertaking, but they finally succeeded, after
wetting all their baggage and being obliged to swim.

Saturday, April 14. — We have concluded to wait until
the creek falls, which is yet impassable. A very sudden
change in the weather, too cold. Hail and rain this after-
noon, very disagreeable.

Sunday, April 15. — Snow fell to the dept of three inches
last night; the thermometer is down to 25° this morning at
sunrise, which is something uncommon for this latitude, at
this season of the year. It has rained almost continually
since this month came in, and it is a fortunate circumstance
that we have a waterproof tent and clothing. The grass is
several inches high, the trees are in leaf, flowers in bloom,
and everything indicates approaching summer. "Dame Na-
ture" has certainly assumed a dress this morning that ill-
becomes her. Emigrants should never leave the frontiers
before the first of May ; they only expose themselves to the
inclemency of the weather, and use up their animals ; indeed,
a good deal of rain may be expected after this date.

Monday, April 16. — Weather settled, with prospects of
its continuance, at least for a short time. Musser and my-
self busied ourselves at altering and fitting our harness,
which have been too large for our mules. Lieuts. Dent and
Updegraff visit our camp frequently to discuss politics, and
the general topics of the day. Lieut. Dent is a graduate of
West Point Military Academy, and Lieut. Updegraff was
promoted from the ranks. Both served in Mexico during
the war, and bear the evidence upon their persons.

Tuesday, April 17. — Making preparations to cross the
creek this morning. We were obliged to "corduroy" the
banks on both sides, being perfect swamps. "Hauled out"
about nine o'clock, succeeded in crossing, with a great deal of
difficulty. Passed through a canebrake.

Came across an Indian settlement, and purchased some
corn of "Mr. Tecumseh." Encamped on the border of a small
prairie, having made but little headway. Our road was
through a continued swamp, and we frequently bogged
down. After such a day's work as this our clothes present
a sad appearance, for we cannot avoid the mud. We are all
very much fatigued, need rest, and will "turn in" early. Dis-
tance, 4 miles ; 104 miles out from Fort Smith.

Wednesday, April 18. — Made an early start and crossed
what we supposed to be Cedar creek. The military employed
two Indians this morning to guide them. We traveled over
some very rough mountains, cutting our own road the great-
er part of the day, and when we at last emerged from the

34 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

woods, a prairie lay before us, with all the beauty in which
Nature has arrayed these "natural fields" of the west. On
the edge of this we pitched our tents, about 3 o'clock in the
afternoon. The sight of these "spots" has an amazing ef-
fect upon our spirits, the timber land being more boggy, be-
sides which, shouldering the axe and opening our way is not
light work. This evening several men with pack animals en-
camped with us who had been but four days out from Fort
Smith ! Of course, we "scratched our heads," and wished we
had our traps similarly arranged. Distance, 10 — 114.

Thursday, April 19. — Under way at 7 o'clock; crossed
a small prairie and found ourselves at the foot of a high and
very steep mountain, and the military at a stand — the Indian
guide said there was no way but to cross the mountain, and
they were afraid to undertake it. Armstrong and myself
took the axe, and in a short time cut a road to the top, wind-
ing around to make the ascent more gradual. Up this the
mules finally succeeded in dragging the wagons, assisted by
all hands. But, strange to tell, we had not proceeded far, on
the very back-bone of the ridge, until we were badly mired
down. The descent at the farther end was also very rough
and difficult, but at the foot we found a small, clear stream,
on the bank of which we encamped about 4 o'clock. Caught
•a fine mess of sunfish for supper. To-day Lieut. Dent re-
ceived an express from Capt. Marcy with information that
he was on the road, but "travelling under ground" a great
portion of the time. The man who brought the news (to hear
him tell the story) was "downed" several times, "starved to
death," and "killed by the Indians" as often. He was indeed
a picture of a "used-up-man." He must have been "awfully
scared" ; but he stowed away the pork and beans, when they
were passed around, as though nothing had happened.

Friday, April 20. — Our general course thus far has been
a few degrees S. of W. The road better than usual to-day ;
crossed a creek within half a mile of its junction with the
Canadian river. We are now in the Shawnee Indian country.
Passed through one of their villages ;15 they appear to be a
more civilized tribe than any we have yet met with. They
have very good log cabins, arranged in a straight line, with
a road or street passing along in front of them. The old chief
of whom we purchased corn had a stern, commanding ap-
pearance, and intellectual physiognomy, and "fire" in his
eye, but was very obliging. He said that he had been at war

15. This was probably what Marcy calls "the Shawnee village," not to be con-
fused with Shawneetown (below).

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 35

with the whites, had fought many battles with them in the
States, but was now at peace with everybody and hoped to
remain so. As he said this his moistened eyes appeared to
wander around upon the fields, and cabins, of this, a portion
of the remnant of his once powerful tribe, with a seeming,
though melancholy pride. Some of the squaws were hand-
some, with regular features, and in dress imitated the style
of the whites. One in particular, the wife of a white man
who was absent on a hunting excursion, was quite fashion-
ably dressed. Her house and contents were comfortable and
neatly arranged, and not the least prominent article of fur-
niture was a clean looking bed and bedstead, curtained and
festooned off a-la-mode. From this lady we procured eggs,
chickens, milk, etc. Distance, 8 miles — 122.

Saturday, April 21. — Made little progress today; our
course lay over a rough and mountainous country. We were
followed all day by Indians wanting to trade with us. They
had corn and potatoes, and generally wanted clothing of
some description in exchange. They have a good idea of the
worth of the different articles we offered them, and are well
acquainted with the value of money. These half-civilized
Indians have a great dread of the wild "Redskins" of the
plains, and tremble when the word "Comanche" is named.
They appear to think that we are a foolhardy set to venture
through this country, and that we will certainly get into
trouble. The grass is becoming more nourishing to the stock,
which are fast improving. We have pitched our tent upon
the bank of a brook, and have quite a crowd of Indians about
us. They are very independent and even insolent, but will
beg tobacco, this being the first thing they ask for. Distance,
6 miles — 128.

Sunday, April 22. — Rain this morning. For fear of de-
tention by high waters, concluded to travel to-day. Crossed
a number of deep, boggy slues, in one of which we broke the
bolster of our wagon ; another upset in the stream, injuring
the wagon and wetting our baggage ; a third broke the tongue
of their wagon. We soon repaired ours and were again un-
der way. Soon after we reached a prairie several miles in
length, but quite narrow. From the number of horses and
cattle we saw grazing, we knew we were near an Indian
settlement. We encamped early, and were soon visited by a
number of squaws, bringing eggs, fowls, milk, butter, etc.,
to sell, and afterwards by the men on horseback. We learned
that we were within two miles of the Canadian river, five
miles of Edwards' trading house on the opposite side, and
half a mile of "Shawnee town." This village is situated in

36 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

the woods between the prairie and the river, very much
scattered, being several miles in length. The Canadian di-
vides the Shawnee and Creek Indian Territory. Distance,
10 miles— 138.

Monday, April 23. — Major Green and myself rode over
to Edwards' trading house, which is situated on Little river,
near its junction with the Canadian.16 It is 180 miles from
Fort Smith on the old road, which is the one we should have
taken. We forded the Canadian, which is here about 600
yards wide. The water is brackish, turbid, and of a yellow-
ish color. The bed of the river is entirely quicksand, which
is in constant motion. We were obliged to hurry our ani-
mals across to prevent them from sinking. There are a num-
ber of cabins about this trading post, inhabited by a motley
race of whites, Indians and negroes. Old Mr. Edwards has
grown wealthy, but at the same time gray, and bordering on
second childhood, in this traffic with the Indians. The Knick-
erbocker company from New York passed Edwards' last
week. They disposed of many of their effects here ; have had
a great deal of trouble and contention in their party.17 Two
wagons overtook and encamped near us this evening. A
heavy thunder shower last night ; to-day very pleasant.

Tuesday, April 24. — Started at seven o'clock this morn-
ing, the road better, and the country more open than usual.
We have been luxuriating for some days upon the many
good things we procured from the Shawnees, such as wild
turkey, fresh pork, milk, butter, eggs, sweet potatoes, pea-
nuts, etc., and a dish of fritters ; butter cakes or doughnuts,
is not uncommon on our table. Distance, 10 miles — 148.

Wednesday, April 25. — Remained in camp to-day. The
government teams gone back to Shawneetown for corn. The

16. Foreman (op. cit., 157, note; 159; locates Edwards' trading house more defi-
nitely as "on the right bank of Little River one and one half miles above where it
debouches from the north into the Canadian." It was the last settlement on this route
until reaching the first Spanish villages of New Mexico.

17. This Knickerbocker company had not come over the new road, but the older
one which followed the north side of the Canadian. Numbering about 75 men, well
armed and well equipped, they had left Fort Smith on March 26 and reached Edwards'
on April 11. Chamberlin's observation about them agrees with that of others ; as one
wrote: "The New Yorkers divested themselves of many dainties and much extra
clothing which they had provided between Fort Smith and this point (North Fork
Town ) . They gave them to the Indians and threw them away — any way to lessen
their lading. . . . Clamor and dissension have prevailed in every one of the organized
camps. . . . Every party is breaking up and a part of each are packing. The New York
party that preceded us about 75 strong, will return, not more than half their number,
with the wagons. The others will pack." The Knickerbocker party did succeed in
maintaining its identity, however, and after reorganizing at Edwards' on Little river,
they had continued west (as here noted) several days before the Lewisburg party
arrived by the new road. Foreman, op. cit., 22-24, 169-170, 175, 178-9.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 37

Indians promised to bring us corn and "coot flour" to camp,
but did not fulfil. Persons living in a civilized country, un-
acquainted with the Indian character, would naturally sym-
pathize with them and would dwell for hours upon the
wrongs they had received at the hands of the whites, but a
short acquaintance with these Redskins, will suffice to change
that opinion. They are a treacherous, lying, dishonest peo-
ple, with but few redeeming traits of character. We gave
them no opportunities to pilfer from us.

Thursday, April 26. — Started at 6 o'clock this morning,
and traveled over a level country, at a pretty fast rate, until
9 o'clock, when it commenced raining, and the troops en-
camped. We determined to go on. I ascended a high point
or bluff, off which I had a fine view of a large and beautiful
scope of country — woodland and strips of prairie alternate-
ly, wanting but the houses to give it the appearance of a vast
settlement. We made the compass our guide, and steered in
a due west direction, cutting our own road for about five
miles, when we encamped, satisfied that we had done a rea-
sonable day's work. There is a great abundance of iron ore
in this section of country, and the soil is a rich loam, pro-
ducing fine grass. The water in the small streams we crossed
to-day was as clear as crystal, but of a soft, brackish taste.
The sun is generally very hot during the day, and the night
uncomfortably cool. Distance, 13 miles — 161.

Friday, April 27. — Started early, and after crossing a
creek, struck upon a high prairie, over which we passed at
a good rate until 2 o'clock p.m., when we bore a little N. of
W. and soon found ourselves in a tight place — rocks, ravines
and woods all around us ; but we finally reached our camp
ground, after upsetting one of our wagons in a deep ravine ;
fortunately we broke nothing. Part of our course to-day was
through a fine country. Crossed what Lieut. Dent called the
Delaware mountains; the scenery from some of the peaks
was truly magnificent. The streams of water crossed to-day
were limpid, but saltish in taste. From the appearance of
the country, we must be near the Canadian river, and by
what we can learn from the Indians, about 25 miles from
"Choteau's." It is high time we reach that point, which has
been more the topic with us than the gold mines of Califor-
nia. We have no good feelings for the founders of the new
road, and hope but few will venture upon it. Distance, 18
miles — 179.

38 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

CHAPTER V.

Saturday, April 28. — Several of us started ahead of the
wagons, early this morning, to "cut and blaze" the road,
which we did for about four miles thro' a scrub oak and
briar thicket, when the wagons came up with us ; crossed a
wide creek, flowing towards the Canadian, the bed being
quicksands; passed through several miles of timber, which
proved to be the "Cross Timbers" which separated the In-
dian Territory from the Plains of "Great American Desert."
The Delaware Indians inhabit this portion of the country;
the mountains of name are nothing more than a high, bald
prairie. About noon, we came out upon the great plain,
which extends north, south and west as far as the eye can
reach. Saw two antelopes today, and fired two shots at them
as they ran or rather flew by us. Several fine turkeys killed
today, and a prairie chick's nest robbed of 14 eggs. Tonight,
as I sit by the fire on guard, I am well serenaded by wolves,
which keep up a perfect chorus. As yet, we have seen no
buffalo, except their old "crossings," and a number of
"frames" or skeletons. By uniting a hard day's labor with
a hard day's travel, some idea can be formed of how we have
been getting along, and how we feel when we encamp at
night. We have been one month out from Fort Smith, today.
Lieutenant Updegraff has encamped some miles back, to
await the arrival of Captain Marcy with provisions; Lieu-
tenant Dent, to save his credit, came up with us this eve-
ning, alone, determined to be in advance to Chpteau's, so it
cannot be said that we laid out the road for him, although
he has ordered the troops to follow pur trail. A good pocket
compass is an indispensable article in traveling through this
country. Wild turkey for supper. Distance, 15 miles — 194.

Sunday, April 29. — Remembered the "Sabbath" today,
by pursuing our journey. We left our encampment at 6
o'clock and had a fine high prairie for several miles, but
were again interrupted by creeks and slues which detained
us very much. Encamped this evening within two miles of
the river. We breakfasted on turkey and venison. Straw-
berries are abundant on the plain, and beginning to ripen.
There has been a strong hot wind blowing today ; water very
scarce, and unfit for use. Distance, 12 miles — 206.

Monday, April 30. — Our course today was along the
dividing ridge between the Canadian and Watchita rivers.
Encamped on a small ravine, where we could scarcely pro-
cure enough water for cooking purposes. This evening a
Delaware Indian visited our camp. He called himself Big

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 39

Buck, and could speak a good deal of English. He said that
we were within 8 miles of Choteau's, and gave us a great
deal of information in regard to the country. In return we
gave him his supper, and he ate fully six men's rations,
enough, he said, to last him three days. When he departed
he promised to come in the morning and guide us to Cho-
teau's, and find us a good crossing, etc. He and his com-
panions are out from their village on a hunting expedition.
Distance, 15 miles — 221.

Tuesday, May 1. — Big Buck came according to agree-
ment, to act as guide. On reaching the river, several of our
company crossed, and went in search of a trading house. We
caught some fine fish, in which the Canadian abounds ; and
the Indians trap a good many otter along its banks. This
afternoon we crossed our teams, with but little difficulty,
the river being wide, but shallow. We were obliged to keep
the wagons "rolling" to prevent their sinking into the quick-
sand. Encamped on the north side of the river, where we
had excellent feed for our stock. Distance, 6 miles — 227.

Wednesday, May 2. — Reached Choteau's this morning,
in an hour's travel.18 We found an organized company of
emigrants here, about 20'0 men, with 40 wagons, under the
command of Captain Bass;19 also some scattering messes,
and some families, who were waiting for Captain Marcy's
escort. We heard that the Knickerbocker company had
passed several years [days] ago, also the Cherokee com-
pany,20 and a pack mule company. Encamped, and deliber-
ated upon "what was to be done next." Distance, 3 miles —
230.

Thursday, May 3. — This morning, I visited what was
formerly an extensive Indian trading post, established by
Mr. Choteau, of St. Louis ; how long since he abandoned it,
I am not able to learn.21 Some years ago, Mr. Edwards, of
Little River, 80 miles below, sent up a lot of goods and ne-

18. Foreman, op. cit., 198, quotes Simpson's Report, p. 6, as saying that Chou-
teau's trading-house "is at this time a locality with a name but no habitation."

19. Captain John L. Bass headed the Western Rovers Company of 96 members
who organized at Sulphur Springs on March 31 and started from Fort Smith on
April 3, — evidently by the older road. The number here given shows that they had
had many additions en route. Foreman, op. cit., 27.

20. That the Cherokee company had passed Chouteau's is surprising but may be
correct. The company was organized on April 24 "at the crossing of the Grand River
at the Grand Saline near what is now Salina, Oklahoma." They did not go through
by the new route, but they did pass Chouteau's. Ibid., 67-69. A. C. Russell, in a letter
which he wrote from Little River on April 17, mentioned the Cherokee company : "The
Cherokees are on the road, and will, perhaps, join us before we leave here." Ibid., 176.

21. Col. A. P. Chouteau built his post here in 1836 and maintained it until his
death in 1838. Foreman, op. cit., 200, note.

40 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

groes, with a man in charge, to trade with the Indians,
cultivate corn, etc. After they had a crop raised, and every-
thing going on as well as could be wished, they were sudden-
ly attacked by the Comanches; the negroes fled, and the
overseer was killed ; the buildings were set on fire, and every-
thing burned to the ground. From the remains, it can be
seen that there were several buildings, enclosing on three
sides a court about 160 feet square, the open side to the east.

We have determined not to travel with a large company,
if we could find 20 or 30 men of our mind. A mess of nine
Virginians have concluded to go with us. This evening we
struck camp, and traveled a few miles upon the plain ; halted
on a small ravine, amid heavy rain ; here we found a mess of
eight men from Baton Rouge, La., who also agreed to go
with us. Distance, 6 miles — 236.

Friday, May 4. — Rained all day but we continued mov-
ing along. Encamped early, for the purpose of organizing
a company for mutual protection as far as Santa Fe or Rio
Grande. Elected Major Green, captain. There are 31 men
in our company, and nine wagons. Fitzhugh, Winston, Win-
ston, Jenifer, Burnell, Rockyfellar, Hart, Bornan, and Jim,
from Virginia ; Dixon, Dixon, Gathwait, Heddenburg, Pier-
ren, Meeker, Martin and Henry, from Louisiana; Dougher-
ty, Dougherty, Green, Faras, Parker, Campbell and George
from Texas — these, including our mess, formed our little
company. Some thought it rather rash to attempt passing
through the Comanche country with so small a force, but all
agreed that our animals would fare better, and we would
be more likely to get along in harmony, (both of which
proved true) . Distance, 30 miles — 286.

Saturday, May 6. — Started at 8 o'clock. Traveled over a
perfectly level plain. The road being good, we made excel-
lent time. The road is so much better than that we have
been traveling over for the last five weeks, that we scarcely
know when to stop. We are now fairly launched upon the
plains, and if "wind and tide" favor us, we will "probably
live" to see the end of our journey. We were obliged to leave
the road a mile or more this evening, for the purpose of en-
camping with wood and water. Rain and heavy thunder
showers during the night. Distance, 30 miles — 286.

Sunday, May 6. — In the course of today's travel, there
was frequently not a tree or shrub in sight. Passed through
a large prairie dog village ; the earth was very spouty and
damp where they had burrowed. We saw a number that
were apparently guarding their habitations, but turned in
upon our approach. We did not succeed in killing any. They

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 41

are said to be delicious eating. Encamped on a ravine and
had good water and feed. Distance, 15 miles — 295.

Monday, May 7. — Left camp at 8 o'clock, shortly
reached and crossed the Canadian river; it has the same
singular, turbid appearance, and quicksand bed. The road
today has been very good. This route has never been trav-
eled before, so that our course is merely marked out and
not a solid road. There are probably 20 wagons in advance
of us. We are now in the Comanche Indian range, but as yet
have seen but few traces of them, or rather it may be con-
sidered neutral ground between the savage and half -civilized
Indian tribes. Game is very scarce, and although there have
been at one time vast numbers of buffalo on these plains, yet
as civilization advances this animal retreats toward the set-
ting sun. We have pitched our camp upon a high point,
where the horizon does not appear to be more than a half
mile distant on all sides. Distance, 20 miles — 315.

Tuesday, May 8. — Our course today lay over a high,
level plain, very solid, which made the wheeling good. We
passed a great number of natural mounds today, of various
shapes, which gave the landscape an odd, romantic appear-
ance. The mounds are composed of a red colored, rotten
sandstone, and earth of the same nature and color. The grass
on the plains is short, but very nourishing to our animals.
Water and wood have been very scarce today; we almost
despaired of finding a place to encamp until 4 p.m., when
we crossed several ridges of white stone, which we decided
to be plaster ; the grass appearing to be more fresh, and we
soon found water and wood enough to answer all purposes.
The former, however, was so hard that we could scarcely use
it. Today we saw the first traces of buffalo — their watering
places, fresh dung, and newly cropped grass; and about 3
o'clock, saw seven bulls feeding about a mile from the road.
At that moment what would I not have given for a good
horSe ; I could have exclaimed "a horse ! a horse ! a kingdom
for a horse !" As it was, I could but witness the sport. Sev-
eral of the men gave chase, and succeeded in killing one, and
wounding three more. We found seventeen bulls grazing
behind a small mound, within one-fourth of a mile of camp.
Messrs. Fitzhugh and Winston wounded one of them, pur-
sued him several miles, and finally killed him, but did not
reach camp until late at night. During the day we had also
killed a deer, turkey, prairie chicks, and ducks, and we are
enjoying a bounteous feast this evening. If our situation
was known by our friends at home, they would certainly
envy us. The bull meat, however, proved rather tough ; oth-

42 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

erwise it resembled beef, excepting the wild flavor. Wolves,
rattlesnakes and toads abundant. Distance, 20 miles — 335.

Wednesday, May 9. — Crossed several deep and difficult
ravines today, and encamped on a stream running in a S. E.
direction. It is about 20 yards wide, and we suppose a branch
of Red River. The water is very red, turbid and unfit for
use. Fortunately, we had filled one of our India rubber bags
during the day, which served us for cooking. Jerking our
venison and buffalo meat this evening. We have very fine
grass at this camp. Caught some fine catfish and soft shelled
turtle in the stream. The weather is very warm, and I find
walking all day pretty tiresome work. Passed the remains
of a horse, left by some company in advance of us. Distance,
16 miles— 351.

Thursday, May 10. — Passed over a high rolling prairie ;
the few shrubs that grow in the "arroyos" are in full bloom,
which served to cheer the monotony of this vast waste.
Found but little water, gathered a mess of mushrooms for
supper. Encamped upon a small running stream, of very red
water. It will not affect soap. Distance, 20 miles — 371.

Friday, May 11. — Rain this morning; cleared off, and
we started ; weather very warm and sultry. About 2 o'clock
we, were met by a most terrific hail storm; there was a con-
stant stream of lightning and peal after peal of thunder ; ice
fell to the depth of two inches in a few minutes. Our animals
were so frightened as to be unmanageable, and they ran,
with the wagon, in every direction over the prairie, and
when the storm ceased, some of us were out of each other's
sight. I had on an India rubber cap, and my head was sore
for several days afterwards from the beating of the hail.
Some of the men happening to have some brandy with them,
iced it, and drank "hail storm." Found a deserted wagon.
It appears by a handbill left upon it, that it was owned by
a mess of three, one of whom had strayed off, and was sup-
posed to have been killed by the Indians, the other two had
abandoned the wagon, and started in search of their com-
rade. Thus far we have had but little trouble with our ani-
mals. Immediately after encamping, we turned them out to
graze until dark, under guard. We then tie them up, and
guard them during the night, and loose them early in the
morning. We generally form our wagons into a "corral,"
put the animals inside, and our fires on the outside. Al-
though we apprehend but little danger from the Indians, it
is best to be prepared. Distance, 18 miles — 389.

Saturday, May 12. — Encamped this evening on the
banks of the Canadian river. The water is very blackish and

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 43

ill-tasted, but we are obliged to use it. The plains which
heretofore were covered with grass, wild flowers and odor-
ous plants, have become barren and hilly; and traveling is
much impeded by deep arroyos and sand hills. Distance, 20
miles — 409.

Sunday, May 13. — Remained in camp today, to rest, and
graze our wearied animals. We very much need rest our-
selves. Washing our clothes, and preparing for another
week's travel.

Monday, May 14. — Started early, and traveled on, and
near the bank of the Canadian all day. We now find it neces-
sary to keep near the river, to find water and grass. Passed
a number of mounds. Encamped on a small pool of water,
near a deserted Indian encampment, which is not 10 days
old. There had been 18 lodges. Distance, 30 miles — 439.

Tuesday, May 15. — Opposite our camp on the other
bank of the river, there is a desert of sand, entirely destitute
of vegetation. It resembles a snow drift, having no doubt
been formed by high winds. It is several miles square. There
appears to be as much water in the Canadian, here, as there
was 200 miles below. I suppose it loses as much by evapora-
tion, as it gains by the few streams, that put into it for that
distance. In all respects it retains the same appearance, ex-
cepting that the growth of cotton wood on its banks is more
sparse. We have not as yet resorted to "buffalo chips" for
fuel, but I find that one answers the purpose of a writing
desk at present. Distance, 16 miles — 455.

Wednesday, May 16. — Our course today has been along
the flat of the river, which in places is very narrow, and in
other a half mile broad. Occasionally we come across a
patch of good grass. For several days we have crossed no
streams putting into the river. The sand in our road is very
heavy, and the weather hot, which makes traveling very
laborious upon man and beast. Passed a number of large
mounds upon the plains which resembled the former ones.
We are much annoyed by sand flies and gnats. Saw some
wild flax, and a great variety of wild flowers, some of which
were rare and beautiful. Grapes grow in abundance, and a
few dwarf plums. The scalp of an emigrant was taken a
few days ago, by the Indians, and hung upon a pole in the
road. It was by a company in advance of us. They probably
thought to frighten us by this act of hostility, but will find
out to the contrary. A hailstorm this morning and a heavy
shower threatens this evening. Distance, 20 miles — 475.

Thursday, May 17. — We have traveled along the banks
of the river for several days. About noon today we crossed

44 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

a large branch, which was much swollen, and very cold on
account of the recent hail storm. Our general rule for trav-
eling is as follows: Start at 8 o'clock in the morning, and
continue without intermission until 4 p.m., when we encamp,
and graze our mules, until 8, then tie them up until 4 in the
morning, and again start at 8. Distance, 20 miles — 495.

Friday, May 18. — Overtaken by a pack mule company
this morning. Road very heavy, caused by the recent rains.
Saw some beautiful specimens of "cactus" in bloom — they
were several colors, but principally yellow. I have suffered
severely from toothache for several days; contrary to all
rules it commenced after all our sugar had run out. We are
getting scarce of bread stuff, but have plenty of bacon and
beans. Distance, 20 miles — 515.

CHAPTER VI.

Saturday, May 19. — The country presents a rough,
broken and very barren appearance. There is a species of
rank grass growing on the flats of the river ; one stock that
I measured out of curiosity was 27 feet long. Crossed a
large, dry branch of the Canadian to-day, and it was with
difficulty that the mules dragged the wagons through it. We
see a great many of "Captain Lee's Mexican toads" on our
way.22 Pitched our tent in time to escape a soaking. Dis-
tance 15 miles — 530.

Sunday, May 20. — The wind is very high, which has
blown the sand over everything, ruining our victuals, etc.
The grass is poor, and of a salty nature, and the water is
strongly impregnated with salt. Although we had proposed
remaining here over Sabbath, some of the company, consid-
ering our situation, were in favor of moving; a vote was
taken and decided to travel. The flat on the river appeared
to end here, and we were obliged to ascend a high and very
steep bluff. Continued traveling over a high barren plain;
crossed one small stream and passed small spring of good
water, where some of us fortunately filled our kegs, can-
teens, etc., for we were obliged to encamp upon the plains,
without wood or water, not a tree or shrub to be seen as far
as the eye can reach over the barren waste. We are getting
out of the buffalo range, but succeeded in finding enough
dung to boil our coffee, by carrying the sack full of "chips"

22. Probably horned toads, which are found over much of the Southwest and of
northern Mexico.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 45

about two miles. When perfectly dry it is a good substitute
for wood, and our cooking was very palatable. We have been
traveling south to-day. Distance, 20 miles — 550.

Monday, May 21. — The first day we have escaped a
shower since we left Choteau's. No dew fell last night, and
we had to drive several miles out of our way this morning
to procure water. We have seen very little or no game for
several days. What the Creator designed this barren portion
of the world for is more than I can imagine, unless, like the
deserts of Africa, it was thrown in "to fill up." The road
was heavy and we made but little progress. Encamped early,
with an abundance of good wood, water, and grass. Here we
came upon an old wagon road, which we afterwards learned
was the route traveled by Mexican traders into the Indian
country. Distance, 15 miles — 565.

Tuesday, May 22. — Some of the company anxious to
"lie by" to-day, but again decide by vote to travel, and ac-
cordingly started; ascended a high range of hills and kept
along the backbone, over a solid gravel road. Encamped at
half past one o'clock ; had good grass, water, and some wood.
Shortly after we had pitched our tents, we were visited by
three Mexicans; they were rough looking fellows and the
first we had seen. They said they lived at a ranch ten miles
to the south, but could speak no English. A sight of them,
however, was cheerful, and we began to think we were near
the borders of Mexico. The weather has been pleasant to-
day, with a good breeze from the west. Walter Winston has
been very unwell for some days, but is recovering. The faces
of some of the party, bitten by gnats and sandflies, are dread-
fully swollen, and very painful. To-day we saw a new
variety of prickly pears or cactus, that grew in the form of
a bush. It had some fruit upon it ; curiosity prompted some
of us to taste it ; we were soon satisfied, and came away with
our mouths stuck full of small barbs, which we could not
extract. We have already decided to pack from Santa Fe,
if we can procure the necessary outfit at that place. Weath-
er uncomfortably warm. Distance, 15 miles — 580.

Wednesday, May 23. — Visited this morning by several
Mexicans ; one of them spoke pretty good English. He has
been in the employ of Americans for 25 years, and made a
trip to California years ago. Some years since, he was em-
ployed by "Boyl Drake" (formerly of Lewisburg) , to assist
him to take 12 live buffaloes to the East for exhibition. Maj.
Green had seen them to [at] Philadelphia, and recognized
the Mexican although he has since lost an eye, and is other-
wise disfigured. Our course nearly S. W., over hard gravel

46 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

plains. Prairie dogs abundant. Encamped on a small pool
of standing water. Distance, 20 miles — 600.

Thursday, May 24. — The country presents the usual
appearance to-day. Traveled 9% hours; crossed a small
stream, where we supplied ourselves with wood and water,
and went further in search of grass. Ascended several large
hills, and continued our course over a high plain; annoyed
by a very high wind, which impeded our motion, and filled
our eyes with sand. Finding it impossible to keep a hat upon
my head, I laid it aside, and received the scorching rays of
the sun upon my bare pate. Dr. Winston shot an antelope
to-day, the meat of which was pronounced the most tender
and delicious we had ever eaten. They are a beautiful ani-
mal and as fleet as the wind ; we see a good many of them,
but they are difficult to kill. Encamped near some puddles
of wretched water, the grazing very indifferent. Distance,
25 miles — 625.

Friday, May 25. — Passed over a broken and barren
plain to-day. The grass is fast drying up. About 1 o'clock
we came to a rocky chasm in the bottom of which there was
a little water, which was a God-send, for we were very much
in need of it. Millions of swallows inhabit these rocks, at-
taching their nests to them; in one place, under a large
overhanging rock, there were a great many hieroglyphics,
painted and carved in the stone, imitating persons, beasts,
birds, reptiles, and one in particular, which we supposed was
intended to represent the evil spirit ; there were also a great
number of large stone crucibles lying about ; what they were
used for was more than we could discover. Altogether it is
a strange, wild, and picturesque place. There are recesses in
the rocks that would shelter and hide thousands of persons.
From the numerous trails about it we suppose it to be a
great resort of the Indians, to trade with the Mexicans.
There were 17 of the latter encamped amongst the rocks,
who offered to sell us corn, tobacco, etc. ; they pack it hither
upon mules and asses. Our road from this point appears
much plainer. These Mexicans said they were out upon a
trading expedition with the Comanches. They asked $2.50
per bushel for corn, and sixpense apiece for their hard,
black-looking crackers. They informed us that we were yet
200 miles distant from Santa Fe, but we doubted their word,
supposing it to be to their interest to sell us their merchan-
dise. We are encamped upon a puddle of water, with a little
wood, and poor grass. We have not more than three days
supply of breadstuffs on hand. Distance, 25 miles — 650.

Saturday, May 26. — Started at the usual time this

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 47

morning, and traveled until 7*4 p.m.; finding no water
except one pool which was too salty for use ; some of us suf-
fered very much from thirst. We did not encamp until after
dark, when a little water was found in a rocky ravine a mile
from camp; we did not get all the animals watered until
midnight, then made a cup of tea and "turned in," after a
hard day's travel, and our difficulties were soon forgotten
in a sound sleep. We met another gang of Mexican traders
to-day. A pack-mule company ahead of us, in searching
for water, became separated, and lost to each other. The
Mexicans also became scattered, being also in search of
water. High wind during the night. Distance, 33 miles —
683.

Sunday, May 27. — We have had but one day's rest since
leaving Choteau's, and concluded to remain in camp to-day.
The reason we have not stopped oftener is that we have
never found good water, or grass enough for our animals,
and being in hopes of finding better every day. Our great
objection to this route across the plains will be the scarcity
of food. How large companies will fare, I can not tell ; but
I think that many an ox-team will never reach Santa Fe.
Mules endure thirst much better than cattle. The range of
the Rocky mountains that runs through New Mexico, is in
sight in the west. One large peak has the appearance of a
perfect dome, and others have peculiar shapes. There is a
long range of bluffs to the south of us, covered with a small
growth of cedar. I have been interested to-day in reading
Bryant's "What I saw in California."23 The portion that
treats on his journey across the plains agrees pretty well
with our experience, except that three great necessaries —
water, grass and wood, were more abundant on his route,
and his road being a plain, well beaten one. Our tent was
blown down by the storm last night.

Monday, May 28. — The wind was very high during the
night, and when I awoke this morning was almost suffocated
with sand. While the storm was raging, we were alarmed
by cries of distress near our camp ; we answered and groped
our way toward them as well as we could in the dark ; their
continued cries served to guide us to them, when we found
them to be a company of Mexicans, who had been scattered
and driven out of their way by the storm. They were very
much alarmed, and did not move from the spot until day-
light. This morning a company of emigrants with six
wagons overtook us and turned in to encamp, where we had

23. William Cullen Bryant had been editor of the New York Evening Post from
1829. Perhaps Chamberlin had gotten hold of a copy which carried this account.

48 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

left. They had been without water since the morning before.
We have had a comfortable breeze today, and our course
had led over a rather barren plain, broken by mounds and
rocky peaks, amongst which we wound our way. One cluster
of conical shaped mounds rising up, one behind the other,
reminds me of a picture upon the cover of my old school
atlas, representing the heights of the different mountains in
the world. The general scenery to-day has been grand,
gloomy and picturesque. We are now obliged to use the dry
branches of the cactus for fuel. Found some wild peas today,
of which our animals are very fond ; passed through some
patches of wild flax, and saw a great variety of wild flowers,
but being no botanist I can not give their names ; they are
altogether strange to me and peculiar to the country and
climate. Encamped on a small dry stream, in the bed of
which were a few holes of water, so salty that we could
scarcely use it; but stern necessity compels us to drink or
die. Some wood and grass. Distance, 18 miles — 701.

Tuesday, May 29. — To-day our road ran through a val-
ley bounded on the north, west and south by high peaks,
pyramid-shaped hills and mounds, covered with a scrubby
growth of cedars; the grass is all dried up, and we found
no water until 4 o'clock p.m., when we came to a ditch filled
with red, muddy water. Our animals drank without meas-
ure; when I tasted, I found it so nauseous that I could not
drink. We were obliged to encamp and make the most of it.
This is a watering place for a flock of several thousand
sheep, which are grazed in the neighborhood, and driven into
a natural fold in the mountain, where they are watched by
shepherds and dogs. The plain to-day has been covered with
bear grass; the root resembles a pineapple, from which a
large top of coarse grass springs up, very sharp at the ends.
The animals are afraid of it and turn out of its way when
in the road. A stalk grows out of the center, to the height
of several feet, bearing a white, drooping flower. Distance,
20 miles— 721.

Wednesday, May 30. — While the teams were passing
through the outlet of the valley, I clambered to the top of
one of the high ridges. The mountains appear to be com-
posed of red sand, or granite rock; those uppermost were
very much washed and worn by water, although from the
present parched appearance of the country it would be natur-
al to think that it is never visited by rain. I found some rich
specimens of iron ore, of which mineral there is undoubtedly
a great abundance in these mountains. Saw a number of
mocking birds, and it did me good to hear these little song-

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 49

sters, imitating the various birds of the country; I only
regretted that I could not listen to them any longer. Shortly
afterwards, we found the country more broken. Cedar ap-
pears to be the only wood, except a few scrubby pines, the
odor of which, when we broke the twigs, resembles a good,
ripe apple. Passed a large flock of sheep and goats, herded
by dogs and several wretched looking Mexicans. We pur-
chased a sheep for $1.50 and a lamb for half price; the
mutton tasted very good. The wool grown in this country
is remarkably coarse, no regard being paid to its improve-
ment, although the country is well adapted to wool-growing.
Here we found a basin of water in the rock, strongly im-
pregnated with salt and "sheepishness." We watered our
stock and proceeded until 6 o'clock, when we encamped (as
we supposed) without food or water, but found a small
spring of water about a mile from camp, where we obtained
a scanty supply. Cactus for fuel. Distance, 25 miles — 736.

Thursday, May 31. — The country to-day has the usual
rough, hilly appearance; sun very powerful this morning,
and not a breath of air stirring. Overtook a pack-mule
company who had lost the greater part of their stock dur-
ing the night ; they were in an unpleasant situation, and we
agreed to carry a part of their baggage to the first Mexican
town. Found no water until evening, when we encamped
on a pure, running stream, about 20 feet wide, very deep
and swift. We did not learn the name of it, but no doubt it
finds its way to the Rio Grande ; it heads in the mountains
to the north, and is very cold.24 This is the first running
water we have crossed in a distance of 200 miles, and, to-
gether with the old-fashioned romantic mountain scenery
around us, it had a cheering effect upon us. Used the small
green willows that grew upon the bank of the stream for
fuel. Distance, 25 miles — 771.

CHAPTER VII

Friday, June 1. — Crossed the stream and ascended a
long sloping hill, surrounded on all sides by a rough, moun-
tainous country. The grass in the small valleys is very short,
owing to the vast amount of stock that is grazed here.
Passed through large herds of cattle and sheep. At the top

24. This was probably the main stream of Gallinas creek, a tributary of the Pecos
river. When General Marcy was here three weeks later (June 23), he described it as
"a fine running stream, with a rock bed, and fifty yards wide." Foreman, op. cit.,
244. If it was the same which Chamberlin here says was "about 20 feet wide, very
deep and swift," it is evident that Marcy hit a better fording place; also by the last
of June the volume of such a stream would be apt to be at its greatest.

50 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

of the hill we found a small, cool spring, gushing up from
the rocks, the water slightly impregnated with sulphur;
shortly afterwards, came to a "fork" in our road. Here we
were in a dilemma, not knowing which to pursue ; after sev-
eral hours delay, we concluded to "go it blind."25 Encamped
on a small plain ; found a small pool of water about a mile
from camp, but not enough for our stock. There was a
shepherd's camp near us, of whom we procured some of the
richest milk I ever drank, and what a luxury ! They inform
us that we are within a few miles of San Miguel.26 Distance,
18 miles — 789.

Saturday, June 2. — Started early this morning, in ex-
pectation of seeing some place very soon, but did not reach
"town" until late in the afternoon; passed two Mexican
ranches on the way; if all the inhabitants of New Mexico
live in a similar manner, they are to be pitied. Their miser-
able mud-dwellings do not compare with the more comfort-
able log cabins of the colonized Indians, on the border of
the States. This country and its inhabitants are certainly
"pretty accessions" to the property and influence of "Uncle
Sam." Here we saw a rich specimen of the packing business ;
several jackasses were loaded with about 400 pounds of corn
each, and driven off to market. Here we also saw some of
the effects of missionary labor. A Mexican woman had sev-
eral fine looking white rhildren clinging around her; their
father, she said, was an "American missionary," but he had
"vamoosed" to the states — poor woman !27 Before reaching
San Miguel, we came out upon the Santa Fe and Independ-
ence road. It is better than any macadamized road I ever
saw in the states, being broad, smooth and solid. Crossed
Pacos river, a large tributary of the Rio Grande ; it is about
thirty yards wide, and rapid. The water is good, and very

25. Continuing the quotation from Marcy in our last note, he wrote: "Nine
miles from here (where they forded the Gallinas) there is a spring of cold water; and
at this place the road forks, the right leading to San Miguel, the left to Anton Chico.
We took the latter, and reached the Pecos before night, making a drive of thirty-one
miles. This was the first settlement we had seen since leaving Edwards' trading-
house. . . ." Foreman, op. cit., 244-245.

26. The full Mexican name of this little town was "San Miguel del Bado" (of the
ford). During the Mexican period (1821-46), the Santa Fe Trail forded the Pecos river
at this point, and a small squad of soldiers was maintained here to welcome traders
with their loaded wagons — to see that they did not evade paying the customs due,
as they entered New Mexico.

27. Could someone of the Mormon Battalion have tarried by the way? Certainly
no "American" missionary, Roman Catholic or Protestant, arrived sufficiently early to
account for this family. One is inclined to think that young Chamberlin was over
credulous. The responsible party, or parties, might better be surmised as among the
countless traders who had been using this highway for some thirty years.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 51

cold, caused by the snow melting off the mountains to the
north, the white capped peaks of which are in sight. San
Miguel is situated on this river. It is composed of about
seventy-five adobe hovels, one story high, all the outbuildings
(if they have any) being within the same walls. There are
several stores of groceries in the place, their principal busi-
ness being the sale of inferior liquor, at a "bit" a glass. We
encamped near the town ; there is no grass within miles of
the place, but we were lucky in getting some corn at $1.50
per bushel ; it is very inferior to the corn raised in the states.
The only land in the vicinity that can be cultivated is the
narrow flats along Pacos river, and there it requires irriga-
tion. Walked into town this evening to "see the sights."
Our attention was soon attracted to a "Fandango," open to
all, and especially to American emigrants. This was a cu-
riosity to me ; it was certainly a shade faster than anything
of the kind I had ever seen before — a medley of Mexicans
and Americans, dancing upon a ground floor with the
"Marguerettas" of the country, the face of each of these or-
namented with a cigarette. Some of their dances were
pretty, keeping remarkably good time with the music, the
gentlemen being obliged to treat their partners to a glass of
wine at the end of each set. But the "noise and confusion,"
heat, smoke, dust, fumes of liquor, and the strange "lingua,"
made it sorry enjoyment for me, and I left the scene of
merriment at an early hour. Distance, 11 miles — 800.

Sunday, June 3 — Concluded to remain here until tomor-
row. Purchased some Mexican bread, which was very good
with one exception, being sour. The Virginia and Louisiana
messes started for Santa Fe today. We are anxious to travel
with pack animals from Santa Fe; had an offer of three
mules each for our wagons, which we accepted with the
privilege of hauling our baggage to Santa Fe, fifty miles
distant. "Attended church" today — Catholic, of course. The
building is a large adobe finished in the most rude style of
architecture, the floor covered with rough boards upon
which all kneel, having no seats or benches. Thousands of
swallows were flying and "twittering" about the room dur-
ing service. The images and paintings were of the most
ridiculous design and finish. It is a gloomy edifice through-
out, and well suited to the ignorant minds that pretend to
worship God after the manner of that sect. It is said the
Padre defrauds these poor deluded people out of $25,000 a
year. Thus it is with their "churches" throughout New
Mexico. It is amusing to see the country people coming in,
three or four mounted on one little mule.

52 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Monday, June 4 — Engaged today in exchanging our
trunks, and other things we wished to dispose of, for pack
saddles, lariats, skins, blankets, and other articles necessary
for packing. I procured a "mustang pony" for my trunk.
This evening we heard a shot fired in town, which was fol-
lowed by a distressing cry of "0 Lord !" We hurried in, and
found that a cold-blooded murder had been committed. A
man named Rob't Stanfield had deliberately shot Joseph
Kane, captain of a pack-mule company. There were several
eye witnesses to the deed. He fired a fowling-piece, at ten
feet distance, two balls entering the back, and coming out
just above the heart. An inquest was held over the body by
twelve Mexicans who went about it rather awkwardly, this
being the first case of the kind that had ever happened under
the U. S. laws.28 Mules can be purchased at this place, from
$50 to $100 each. California gold has affected this country
also, for before the emigration commenced they could have
been bought for from $25 to $40 each.

Tuesday, June 5 — Employed as yesterday. Bought a
Mexican saddle for $25. We are very much annoyed by
high winds, which blow the sand all over us, into our
victuals, etc. This evening our new mules were brought up.
They are small, -but we have no doubt a pretty good bargain.
A large train of wagons has come up, and encamped near
us. All are anxious to pack the balance of the way. A
wagon will not command a good mule, the market being
already overstocked with them. The man with whom we
exchanged designs moving down the Rio Grande into Old
Mexico, not liking the laws of the United States.

Wednesday, June 6 — Struck camp this morning, and
left for Santa Fe. High winds which keep up a constant
cloud of sand in the roads ; the weather very cool, being in
the range of the Rocky mountains. Encamped on a small
rivulet, as clear as crystal and as cold as ice, near the village
of Pacos [Pecos], which is now in ruins:29 There was
formerly a large church here, and it was a place of consider-
able note, the buildings were of adobe (the timber of
cedar) ,30 some of them apparently three stories high. There
are a number of very large cisterns in the place, walled with

28. Captain Buford, on the trail three days later, heard of this killing and
carried the news to the States ; but he had the victim as "Robert Moore of Missouri."
It is likely that Chamberlin, who was on the ground, had the names correctly. See
Foreman, op. cit., 246, note ; 265. The killer was to be hanged on July 10.

29. He is here speaking of the old Indian pueblo of Pecos, from which the last
inhabitants had moved away in 1837.

30. The larger timbering in all such ruins was of yellow pine.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 53

stone, and cemented.31 This camp furnished no grass for
our animals. Distance, 25 miles — 825.

Thursday, June 7 — This morning, one of our mules was
missing; in searching for him, I found some bunches of
grass, growing beneath the walls of Pacos, which I cut with
my knife, and packed it along in a blanket. I strayed several
miles from the road, and did not overtake the wagons until
the afternoon. I had been as far as the Rio Pacos.32 There
is a small but beautiful valley at this point on the river,
with a number of ranches scattered over it ; they appeared to
have a good deal of land under cultivation. Met the U. S.
Mail on the way to Independence; they expected to go
through in from 16 to 20 days.33 I had no letters written ;
Musser and Armstrong were more fortunate, and embraced
the opportunity of sending news to their friends at home.
Our course had been north, amongst the mountains, the
ascent being very gradual with a good road. Crossed one
pretty high mountain.

The first object that attracted our attention, as we
neared Santa Fe, was the American "stars and stripes"
floating in the breeze. A descending road into the place,
which is situated in a narrow valley, on a small stream of
water, surrounded by an apparently barren country, and
hills of the same nature ; in the distance, mountains towering
to the clouds, whose snow-clad peaks gave nature a chilling
appearance, although the day was very warm. The somber
appearance of the town, built entirely of unburnt adobes,
the scope of country, stretching for leagues to the S. W., and
enveloped in haze, inspired us with rather gloomy sensa-
tions ; however, we could not but feel gratified that we had
reached the important point in our journey. On entering
the place we noticed handbills, advising emigrants to put
up at the United States hotel, for comfort, convenience, good
living, etc. Of course this was "something to our minds,"
and we drew up before the "U. S." As for comfort and
convenience, the quarters, in which about 30 of us were

31. What he calls cisterns were the old ceremonial kivas, or estufas, of which the
roofs had fallen in.

32. Apparently Chamberlin had not recognized the "small rivulet" near Pecos ruins
as the Pecos river ; here he had gotten to the Mexican village or ranches farther up
the valley. ,

33. Captain Buford left Santa Fe on June 6, escorting the mail contractor Hay-
wood and the Chihuahua merchants Mulliken, Hister, Hagen, and Lucas; they
arrived at Fort Gibson 24 days later. On June 6-7, between Santa Fe and San Miguel,
he reported having met between six and seven hundred California emigrants from
Fort Smith and Van Buren "who had left before the departure of the company
escorted by Marcy." Foreman, op. cit., 246, note.

54 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

stored with our baggage, is a small uncleansed stable, in-
fested with fleas, bedbugs and other vermin, the stench
being horrible. Distance, 25 miles — 850.

Friday, June 8— Boarding $1 a day and fed upon mut-
ton. The weather comfortable at this place, and the atmos-
phere very pure. Fresh meat hung out in the air will keep
sound until used, or dried up. Corn is worth $3 per bushel
and very scarce. We are obliged to purchase hay for our
mules in small billets, packed in upon asses, at the rate of
$100 per ton. Provisions are very cheap, the quartermaster
of the army (it is said) lost about $30,000 during the winter,
by gambling ; to make up his loss, he had a sufficient amount
of government stores "condemned," and was selling them to
emigrants at low rates, although everything was of the best
quality. We bought good American flour at $6 a hundred ;
bacon at 12^ cents per lb., etc. It was a lucky piece of
rascality for the emigrant. All kinds of merchandise is very
low, and business dull, at present. Competition has pro-
duced a stagnation in trade. There are a large number of
stores and groceries in the place, certainly more than will
ever make fortunes. Immense quantities of goods, that were
prevented from entering Old Mexico at the close of the war,
have been brought back to this place, completely glutted the
market. Having read of the vast wealth and trade of Santa
Fe, and the fortunes that had been made here, our curiosity
ran high, but we were disappointed. The appearance and
condition of the place, do not correspond with its fame.
Having disposed of our wagons, and not being anxious to
remain long in town, we prepared to pack our provisions and
chattels, and employed a man to give us the first lesson in
the art. We made our sacks out of tanned buffalo hides, and
purpose putting about 200 Ibs. weight upon each mule. The
Mexicans are skilled in the art of packing. We employed
one to go through with us, at $12 per month. We have now
22 head of horses and mules.

Saturday, June 9 — Busily engaged in weighing, sacking
our "traps," and making preparations to start as soon as
possible. The Virginia mess have driven their stock out into
the country to graze.

Sunday, June 10 — Santa Fe is a very immoral place.
The population is composed of Mexicans, Indians and for-
eigners from all parts of the world. The public square and
gambling houses are crowded with idle loungers, male and
female; the character of but few of the latter will bear a
virtuous test. Several Fandangoes are in full operation
all the while. The senorettas are of all castes and sorts,

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 55

from Indians up to pure Spanish. Some of the California-
bound boys enjoy these sports, and lavish their money freely
upon amusement. Many of them, however, will find this the
"sticking point ;" the funds of some have been exhausted in
getting thus far, and being obliged to change the mode of
travel and renew their stock of provisions, they cannot go
on. Others have been induced to deposit what they had left
in the "monte banks," which are unsafe, non-paying institu-
tions. Some more prudent than others have gone to the
gold mines in the" vicinity, where they can make from one to
five dollars a day, in hopes of raising enough to continue
their journey. I saw a specimen of the gold obtained from
these mines; it is in scales, of different sizes, though gen-
erally very small, clean and bright, and is worth $18.50 per
ounce in Santa Fe. The place is some forty miles distant.34
This market is completely overstocked with wagons, but
mules are very high, commanding from $60 to $100 per head.
As at Fort Smith, rumors are afloat, that the Apache and
other Indians are very hostile on our route, and the most of
the emigrants are in favor of forming in large companies.
One company is about employing Mackintosh, a half-breed
Indian, and somewhat noted as a mountaineer ; he agrees to
guide them through, by the "Spanish Trail," in sixty days,
for the sum of $800.35 We have again determined not to
travel with a large company, let the consequence be what
it will. Saw Mr. Aubrey, a merchant of this place, the man
that rode from Santa Fe to Independence, a distance of 800
miles, in 5 days and 10 hours. He is a French Canadian.36
It appears that we are yet almost as far from California as
the Fort Smith circulars made the distance through from
that place. Some of the emigrants are starting north, to

34. The Old Placers (from 1828) and the New Placers (from 1839) were about
thirty miles south of Santa Fe, — or from the Rio Grande valley at Bernalillo they lay
eastward through the mountains. At the latter diggings, the town of Tuerto sprang
up, and in 1845 had 22 stores. That year the yield of both districts was given as
$250,000. H. H. Bancroft, History of New Mexico and Arizona, 340.

35. "MacKintosh" may be the Archie Mclntosh who, Lieut. John G. Bourke tells
us, was employed as a guide with federal troops on two campaigns against the
Apaches in December 1872 and Jan.-Feb., 1873. See "Bourke on the Southwest," in
N. MEX. HIST. REV., ix (1934), 387, 390-1; 407, 418 (note). We have found no
other possible clue to the man here mentioned by Chamberlin.

36. Francis Xavier Aubry (or Aubrey) had made his most famous ride the year
before. Coming west in the spring of 1848, he had left along the way a number of
swift saddle-mares and at Santa Fe he completed his arrangements for a rapid return
to Independence. He rode against a wager that '"he could not make the trip in
eight days." He did not do it "in 5 days and 10 hours" as told to Chamberlin in the
streets of Santa Fe, but he did win the wager. See W. D. Wyman, "F. X. Aubry:
Santa Fe Freighter, Pathfinder and Explorer," in N. MEX. HIST. REV., vii, 1-31.

56 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

intersect the Independence route ;37 others are going by the
Spanish trail, or middle route;38 but the majority take the
southern route, or those traveled by Kearney, Cook, etc. ;39
while a few have already turned their faces homeward, and
more intend doing so. Money is a very essential article in a
strange country, and many have made short calculations,
which now puts them to great inconvenience. We have con-
cluded to go Kearney's route, and follow his trail, or employ
guides if we can get them from different points.

At 12 o'clock we were ready to lash on our packs, which
occupied two hours. We then started, and after consider-
able difficulty with our mules, we got out of town. This is a
novel mode of traveling to me, but I suppose we will become
accustomed to it. Our animals were almost starved in that
"poverty-stricken" place, and it is with difficulty we can get
them along; they wanted to stop at every patch of grass.
The road runs S. W., and the appearance of the country
improves as we advance. There are some miniature valleys
amongst the rolling hills in which there is a little grass.
Passed several ranches, and encamped near one, on a small
run of good water. Distance, 17 miles — 867.

Monday, June 11 — Remained in camp, for the purpose
of grazing our animals. Wrote letters ; I had no shade, and
used the earth for a writing desk. It was a difficult task,
and I was annoyed by a young Mexican boy, who wanted me
to learn him to talk and write "Americano." We purchased
an unbroken mule for Fernando to ride; he found it very
difficult to conquer, and gave us some rare specimens of
Mexican horsemanship. The first thing is to blind the
animal (which is of the greatest advantage), then saddle
and bridle him, putting on all the trappings, then he mounts,

37. By "the Independence route" these emigrants evidently intended to get on
the trail which crossed the plains to Bent's Fort, then turned north and west by way
of Fort Bridger, Great Salt Lake, Humboldt river, and so directly to the gold mines
of California. See R. P. Bieber's map with his "Southwestern Trails to California in
1849," in Mississippi Valley Hist. Rev., xii (1925), 344-375.

38. The Old Spanish Trail, or what Chamberlin here calls "the middle route," is
the one usually associated with the famous Escalante-Dominguez expedition of 1776.
The governor at Santa Fe had been ordered to open a trail through to the California
coast at Monterrey. The Franciscan padres started from Santa Fe in July 1776 but
got only to central Utah, where they had to turn back because of the lateness of the
season. Emigrants could then head southwest across the Mohave desert to Loa
Angeles, or north and west by the lake and Humboldt river.

39. In some ways this was decidedly the best route for the emigrants, and it
had been much used for the past twenty-five years by trappers and traders going to
southern California. Another route, not so easy but still more direct, would have taken
them west from Old Albuquerque by an old Indian trail to Zuni ; then southwest
through the heart of "Apacheland" down tne Salt river, and west down the Gila.
See Bieber's map, loc. cit.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 57

raises the blind, and instead of checking sinks the spurs into
his side, and suffers him to run until fairly tamed down.
Having no tent, we are now obliged to "bivouak" in "all
out-doors," with the heavens for a counterpane, and the
earth for a mattress. The sun, during the day is very hot,
and the nights cool.

Tuesday, June 12 — The country around our camp,
abounds in the long-eared hare, which is the only game we
see ; we killed several ; they were very fine eating. Started at
12 o'clock in a southern direction, through barren hills, and
over a rough country. Found the Virginia mess encamped
in a valley on a small creek ; here we concluded to stop, and
graze our animals until all our old company would get
together. The grass is very short and poor, and the water in
the stream very brackish. Distance, 15 miles — 882.

(To be continued)

i

FRIAR PERSONNEL AND MISSION CHRONOLOGY

1598-1629

By
FRANCE V. SCHOLES AND LANSING B. BLOOM

(Concluded)
5. FRIAK PERSONNEL, 1617-1625

N 1616 there were apparently sixteen friars (thirteen
priests and three lay brothers) remaining in New Mex-
ico. The priests were Fray Isidro Ordonez, commissary,
Fray Andres de Baptista, Fray Agustin de Burgos, Fray
Pedro Haro de la Cueva, Fray Bernardo de Marta, Fray
Alonso de Peinado, Fray Estevan de Perea, Fray Francisco
Perez Guerta, Fray Andres Perguer, Fray Cristobal de
Quiros, Fray Juan de Salas, Fray Andres Suarez (or
Juarez) , and Fray Luis Tirado. The three lay brothers were
Fray Jeronimo de Pedraza, Fray Juan de San Buenaventura,
and Fray Pedro de Vergara.

A new group of seven friars went out to New Mexico
in 1616,65 arriving in the province toward the end of Decem-
ber, or early in January, 1617. After the arrival of this
group Fray Estevan de Perea took office as custodian and
served as local prelate until the autumn of 162 1.66

We are able positively to identify only three of the seven
friars who went out in 1616. They are Fray Bernardo de
Aguirre, who served as "president" of the group during the
journey to New Mexico, Fray Pedro Zambrano Ortiz, and
Fray Alonso de San Juan, lay brother.67 As we have noted
in preceding sections of this paper, Fray Alonso de San Juan
had already been in New Mexico during the latter part of
the Onate period and also subsequent to 1610. He had re-
turned to New Spain, probably with Governor Peralta in

65. Accounts for the purchase of wagons and supplies furnished to this group
of seven friars are found in A. G. L, Contaduria, legs. 718 and 845B.

66. See Scholes, "Problems in the Early Ecclesiastical History of New Mexico,"
NEW MEX. HIST. REV., VII (1932), pp. 53-67, and Church and State in New Mexico,
1610-1650 (Albuquerque, 1937), pp. 39, 67-68.

67. All three are mentioned in the contemporary records, 1617-1621.

58

FRIAR PERSONNEL AND MISSION CHRONOLOGY 59

1614, and now came back again to New Mexico with the
1616 group. We shall see that he made other trips to and
from New Spain in later years.

A fourth friar who came with the 1616 group was
probably Fray Pedro de Carrascal, of whom Vetancurt tells
us that he served as a missionary in New Mexico and later
returned to New Spain, where he died in Mexico City on
August 28, 1622.68 As we have already noted in section 1,
Bancroft lists Carrascal as one of the friars who went to
New Mexico in the time of Onate, but we doubt that this
was the case, since the friar is not mentioned in any of the
contemporary sources for the period prior to 1610. His
name is not required to complete the lists of friars who
went out in 1609 and in 1612. It also seems unlikely that
he came in 1621, when another group of friar-recruits ar-
rived, because the supply caravan of that year did not set
out on its return journey to New Spain until October, 1622,
several weeks later than the date of Carrascal's death in
Mexico City as given by Vetancurt, and we have no evidence
that any friars left New Mexico ahead of the caravan. In
view of the foregoing, we conclude that Carrascal came
with Aguirre's group in 1616.

Documents of the year 1617 contain references to a
certain Fray Pedro de Escobar.69 These papers do not spe-
cifically state that Escobar was then in New Mexico, but we
have no mention of him in earlier records. It is possible that
the statements in the 1617 documents actually refer to Fray
Francisco de Escobar, a former commissary of the Fran-
ciscans in Onate's time. It seems unlikely, however, that
the friar's first name, which occurs several times, would in
all cases have been incorrectly recorded as Pedro instead of
Francisco. We believe therefore that Fray Pedro de Escobar
was another person and that he was also a member of the
1616 group.

68. Vetancurt, Teatro Mexicano, ed. 1870-71, vol. 4, p. 293.

69. Fray Pedro de Escobar is mentioned several times in the record of the trial of
Don Juan de Escarramad, in A. G. N., Provincias Internas, tomo 34, exp. 1. Copy of
the trial record is also found in A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 316, ff. 175-84. For an
account of the Escarramad episode, see Scholes, Church and State, pp. 43-49.

60 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Testimony given in 1661 by a resident of Santa Fe
indicates that many years earlier, when Fray Bernardo de
Aguirre was guardian of the villa, there was another priest
there named Fray Tomas de la Mar.70 We know that Aguirre
served as guardian of Santa Fe in 1617. Although we find
no reference to Fray Tomas de la Mar in the earlier records,
it would appear that he was also a member of the group
that came in 1616.

This leaves only one of the 1616 group to account for.
Unfortunately the documents and chronicles provide no data
as to his identity.

In 1618 Fray Pedro de Ortega, who later served at
various missions and as secretary to Fray Alonso de Bena-
vides, accompanied Governor Juan de Eulate to New Mexico,
arriving in December of that year. Fray Jeronimo de
Pedraza, lay brother, was also a member of Eulate's party.71
Pedraza had come to New Mexico in 1612 and we have
listed him as one of the friars serving in New Mexico in
1616. He had apparently journeyed to New Spain in 1617,
and returned with Eulate's party the following year.

Thus we have a total of twenty-four friars who served
in New Mexico during the period from 1616-1617 to the
autumn of 1621, when another group arrived. The twenty-
four included the sixteen who were in the province in 1616,
the seven who went out in that year, and Fray Pedro de
Ortega, who accompanied Eulate in 1618.

In 1620 the custodian, Fray Estevan de Perea, sent
Fray Alonso de San Juan to Mexico with reports for the
viceroy and the superior prelates of the Franciscan Order.
On the basis of these reports the authorities in New Spain
sent out another group of friars in 1621 and also provided

70. A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 593, exp. 1, f. 94.

71. Both Ortega and Pedraza refer to events of the journey to New Mexico with
Eulate in testimony in 1621 and 1626. A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 356, ff. 271v, 288-
88v. They do not specify the year in which the journey was made, but we know
from other sources that Eulate came in 1618 and took office as governor on December
23. A. G. I., Contaduria, leg. 723; L. B. Bloom, "The Governors of New Mexico,"
NEW MEX. HIST. REV., X (1935), p. 154; Scholes, Church and State, p. 70. Ortega
always signed his name '"Hortega," but we have dropped the silent initial.

FRIAR PERSONNEL AND MISSION CHRONOLOGY 61

supplies for fourteen others serving in the province.72 The
fourteen in New Mexico can be identified as follows : Perea,
the custodian, Aguirre, Baptista, Burgos, Haro de la Cueva,
Ortega, Pedraza (lay brother) , Peinado, Quiros, Salas, San
Buenaventura (lay brother) , Suarez, Vergara (lay brother) ,
and Zambrano Ortiz.73 Counting this group and Fray
Alonso de San Juan, who carried the reports to Mexico City,
we have a total of fifteen, leaving nine others to be accounted
for. Of the latter, five (Ordonez, Perez Guerta, Perguer,
Tirado, and Marta) had come to New Mexico prior to 1616,
and four (Carrascal, Pedro de Escobar, de la Mar, and one
unidentified friar) were members of the group that went out
to the province in that year.

Fray Isidro Ordonez, the former commissary of the
Franciscans, and Fray Francisco Perez Guerta left the
province in the autumn of 1617, when the supply caravan
that went out in the preceding year returned to Mexico.74
The documents of 1617 et seq. contain no reference to Fray
Andres Perguer and Fray Luis Tirado, so we infer that
they left New Mexico or died there prior to 1620. Rosa
Figueroa states that Fray Bernardo de Marta died in New
Mexico in 1632. Vetancurt gives the year as 1635.75 We
find no mention of Marta, however, in any of the contem-
porary sources for the period from 1617 to the early 1630's,
and his name is not required to make up the list of fourteen
friars in New Mexico for whom provision was made in the
dispatch of supplies sent in 1621. We surmise therefore
that his death occurred prior to 1620, when Fray Alonso de
San Juan took the* reports to New Spain on the basis of
which the 1621 dispatch was made.

Of the four to account for from the group that went out

72. Accounts for purchase of supplies for the 1621 group and for the fourteen
remaining in New Mexico are found in A. G. I., Contaduria, legs. 723, 845B. In a
letter to the king, dated May 27, 1620, the viceroy reported that there were sixteen
friars serving in New Mexico. A. G. I., Mexico, leg. 29. This statement was prob-
ably based on earlier reports received before those brought by Fray Alonso de San Juan.

73. All of these friars are mentioned in the record sfor the early 1620's. A. G. N.,
Inquisicion, tomo 356, ff. 257-316, and tomo 486, ff. 45-51; A. G. N., Civil, tomo 77,
exp. 14.

74. Scholes, Church and State, p. 42.

75. Rosa Figueroa, Bezerro General, p. 126 ; Vetancurt, op. cit., vol. 4, p. 828.

62 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

in 1616, we may assume that Fray Pedro de Carrascal re-
turned to Mexico not later than 1620. Since we have no
other data concerning Escobar and de la Mar, we can only
conclude that they and the unidentified friar had died before
1620, or that they had returned to New Spain sometime
between 1617 and 1620.

The treasury accounts list the names of six friars who
went to New Mexico with the supply caravan of 1621. They
were Fray Miguel de Chavarria, Fray Martin de Arvide,
Fray Francisco Fonte (or Fonsi) , Fray Ascensio de Zarate,
Fray Jeronimo de Zarate Salmaron, and the lay brother,
Fray Alonso de San Juan, mentioned above, who now re-
turned again to the province.76 This group of six and the
fourteen already in New Mexico make a total of twenty
friars in the province in the autumn of 1621 when the
caravan arrived.77

Fray Miguel de Chavarria took office as the second
custodian, succeeding Perea, on October 3, 1621.78 He re-
mained in New Mexico only a year, however, for he returned
to New Spain in the autumn of 1622. Prior to his departure
Fray Ascensio de Zarate was named vice-custodian, and the
latter had charge of the missions until the arrival of Fray
Alonso de Benavides in December, 1625.79

Fray Pedro de Vergara (lay brother) accompanied
Chavarria to Mexico in the autumn of 1622.80 In the fol-
lowing year others also left for New Spain,81 and by a
process of elimination we find that they were Fray Bernardo
de Aguirre and Fray Agustin de Burgos. At the same time

76. A. G. I., Contaduria, leg. 845B

77. A report filed by the Franciscan Province of the Holy Gospel on July 21, 1622,
states that there were twenty-four friars (eighteen priests and six lay brothers) in
New Mexico at that time. A.G.I., Mexico, leg. 2547. We believe, however, that this
report is incorrect, since the treasury records of the preceding year clearly indicate
that the 1621 caravan provided for fourteen friars in the province and six others who
went out at that time.

78. Petition of Fray Estevan de Perea to Chavarria, August 26, 1622. A. G. N.,
Inquisicion, tomo 486, f. 46.

79. Scholes, "Problems in the Early Ecclesiastical History of New Mexico,"
pp. 64-69, and Church and State, pp. 74-84, passim.

80. Letter of Fray Pedro Zambrano, October 5, 1622. A. G. N., Inquisicion,
tomo 486, f. 49.

81. Perea to the Holy Office, Sandia, August 14, 1623. A. G. N., Inquisicion,
tomo 345, f. 470.

FRIAR PERSONNEL AND MISSION CHRONOLOGY 63

reports were sent to the authorities in Mexico City on the
basis of which the next dispatch of supplies was made.

The treasury accounts indicate that this caravan, which
went out in 1625, took supplies for fourteen friars remain-
ing in New Mexico.82 These fourteen can be positively
identified as follows: Zarate, the vice-custodian, Arvide,
Baptista, Fonte, Haro de la Cueva, Ortega, Pedraza (lay
brother), Perea, Quiros, Salas, San Juan (lay brother),
Suarez, Zambrano Ortiz, and Zarate Salmeron.83 Counting
this group of fourteen and the four (Chavarria, Vergara,
Aguirre, and Burgos) who left in 1622 and 1623, we have
only two of the twenty in New Mexico in the autumn of 1621
to account for, viz., Peinado and San Buenaventura.

We have a letter of Fray Alonso de Peinado, dated at
Chilili on October 4, 1622,84 but he is not mentioned in later
documents. Reference is made to Fray Juan de San Buena-
ventura (lay brother, who had come to New Mexico with
Ofiate in 1598) in a document of August 26, 1622, but we
have no reference to him thereafter.85 We conclude there-
fore that both Peinado and San Buenaventura died sometime
prior to the following summer (1623), when the reports
were sent to Mexico City on the basis of which the 1625
dispatch of supplies was made.

6. MISSION CHRONOLOGY, 1617-1625

During the nine years from the beginning of 1617 to
the end of 1625 the Franciscans achieved considerable suc-
cess in their missionary efforts, despite the controversies
with Governors Ceballos and Eulate which characterized
the history of this period. The friars carried forward the
work already started among the Tewa, Tano, Keres, and
the Rio Grande and Manzano Tiwa, and the mission area
was expanded to include Pecos, Picuris, Taos, the Jemez
towns, and the Tompiro pueblo of Abo.

82. Accounts for the 1625 caravan are found in A. G. I., Contaduria, leg. 726.

83. All of these friars are mentioned in documents of 1626. A. G. N., Inquisicion,
tomo 356, ff. 257-316.

84. A. G. N., Civil, tomo 77, exp. 14.

85. Petition of Fray Estevan de Perea to Chavarria, August 26, 1622. A. G. N.,
Inquisicion, tomo 486, f. 46.

64 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

In the Tewa area the convents of San Ildefonso and
Nambe continued to serve as the mission centers. A third
convent (Santa Clara) was not established until the time
of Benavides. The Rio Grande Tiwa were administered, as
before, from Sandia and Isleta ;86 and Chilili, where Peinado
remained in charge until his death sometime in 1622 or
1623, continued to be the center of activity for the Tiwa
towns east of the Manzano range. The names of Peinado's
immediate successors at Chilili are not known.87 It may be
assumed that work was also carried on at Tajique and Cua-
rac during the period under discussion, but the earliest
reference to another convent (Cuarac) occurs in the docu-
ments of Benavides' time.

As stated in section 4, two convents were established
at Galisteo and San Lazaro in the Tano area between 1610
and 1613. The San Lazaro foundation was not permanent,
and Galisteo became the chief center of missionary activity
among the Tano. Fray Pedro de Ortega, who arrived in
New Mexico in December, 1618, served at Galisteo in the
following year (1619), and perhaps for part or all of 1620,
until he was assigned to Pecos.88 His successor was Fray
Pedro Zambrano Ortiz, who is first recorded as guardian of
Galisteo in 1621. Zambrano remained in charge of the mis-
sion until at least 1632.89

The San Lazaro convent was apparently abandoned
sometime between 1614 and 1621. Difficulties in maintaining
mission discipline and the persistence of native religion ap-
pear to have been contributing factors. In 1621 San Lazaro
was administered from Galisteo, and in the later seventeenth

86. A convent (Santa Ana) at Alameda is first mentioned in 1635, when Fray
Justo de Miranda was guardian. The Alameda church was not finished, however, until
the time of Governor Penalosa (1661-64). A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 380, f. 253, and
tomo 507, f. 325. Apparently a separate convent was never established at Puaray.

87. Fray Francisco de Salazar served at Chilili in 1634 and 1636, Fray Fernando
de Velasco, c. 1660, and Fray Francisco Gomez de la Cadena, 1671-72.

88. References to Ortega's services at Galisteo are found in A. G. N., Inquisici6n,
tomo 356, ff. 257-316, passim.

89. A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 356, f. 282v, and tomo 304, f. 190. Other friars
who served at Galisteo prior to the Pueblo Revolt were Fray Antonio de Aranda
(1640), Fray Cristobal de Velasco (1659), Fray Nicolas del Villar (1661), Fray An-
tonio de Ibargaray (1663-65), Fray Pedro de Villegas (1665), Fray Juan Bernal

(1672), and Fray Juan Domingo de Vera (1680).

FRIAR PERSONNEL AND MISSION CHRONOLOGY 65

century it was a visita of either Galisteo or San Marcos.90
The first reference to a mission at San Cristobal occurs
in documents of 1621, although missionary work there was
apparently started before that time. The lay brother, Fray
Pedro de Vergara, was "president" of the mission in 1621,
serving under the direction of Fray Pedro Zambrano Ortiz,
stationed at Galisteo. The convent of San Cristobal is first
mentioned in a document of 1626, but the earliest recorded
guardian was Fray Alonso de Estremera, who was serving
at San Cristobal in 1628.91 But the San Cristobal convent,
like that at San Lazaro, was not permanent, and in later
years San Cristobal was a visita of Galisteo.

In the Benavides Memorials of 1630 and 1634 Galisteo
is designated as the seat of the only convent in the Tano
area. Subsequently another permanent convent was estab-
lished at San Marcos, of which Fray Agustin de Cuellar,
who served there in 1638-1640, is the first recorded guard-
ian.92 Henceforth this convent and the one at Galisteo served
as the two mission centers for the Tano.

Prior to 1617 two convents, at Sia and Santo Domingo,
had been founded in the Keres area. (See sections 2 and 4.)
Santa Ana was served from Sia, and we have no evidence
that it ever became the seat of a convent. For several years
all of the Keres pueblos along the Rio Grande were admin-
istered from Santo Domingo, but by 1621 a separate convent
was established at San Felipe.93 Fray Cristobal de Quires,
who had earlier served at Sia and Santo Domingo, was
guardian in 1621, and he apparently spent most of his time
there until his death in 1643.94

90. Numerous references to the satuation at San Ldzaro in 1621 et ante are
recorded in A. G. N.f Inquisici6n, tomo 856, ff. 257-316, passim.

91. A. G. N., Inquisici6n, tomo 356, ff. 257-316, passim, and tomo 363.

92. A. G. N., Inquisici6n, tomo 885, exp. 15 ; A. G. I., Patronato, leg. 244, ramo
7. Other friars who served at San Marcos prior to the Pueblo Revolt were Fray Diego
de Santander (1662), Fray Bernardo L6pez de Covarrubias (1663-64), Fray Pedro de
Villegas (1665), Fray Tomas de Torres (1668-69), Fray Francisco Antonio de
Lorenzana (1672), and Fray Manuel Tinoco (1680).

93. A. G. N., Inquisici6n, tomo 856, f. 290v.

94. Other friars who served at San Felipe prior to the Pueblo Revolt were Fray
Juan Suarez (or Juarez), who succeeded Quir6s in 1643, and Fray Juan de Plasencia
(1662).

66 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Benavides records only three convents (evidently Sia,
Santo Domingo, and San Felipe) for the Keres areas in
1630 and 1634. By 1637, however, Cochiti had its own con-
vent, with Fray Justo de Miranda as guardian. In later
years both San Felipe and Cochiti were frequently visitas of
Santo Domingo, indicating that these missions often lacked
resident friars.

A permanent mission at Pecos was founded as early as
1619, when Fray Pedro Zambrano Ortiz was guardian. It
is quite possible that Zambrano was assigned to Pecos soon
after his arrival in New Mexico in the winter of 1616-1617,
but this is only a surmise. In the autumn of 1621, Fray
Pedro de Ortega, who had previously served at Galisteo, was
in charge at Pecos, having apparently changed places with
Zambrano.96 By October, 1622, Ortega had been replaced
by Fray Andres Suarez (or Juarez) , who remained at Pecos
until at least 1633.97

Benavides gives Suarez chief credit for building the
Pecos church and convent,98 but we have evidence that the
church was under construction as early as 1621, when Or-
tega was in charge.99 In a letter to the viceroy, dated October
2, 1622, Suarez expressed the hope that the church would
be finished in the following year, and he asked the viceroy
to send a retablo of Nuestra Senora de los Angeles, the
advocation of the mission, and a statue of the child Jesus
to place above the main altar.100

San Felipe and Pecos were apparently the only new
convents founded before the arrival of Custodian Chavarria
and five other friars in the autumn of 1621. Subsequently
work was started at Picuris, Taos, in the Jemez area, and at
Ab<$.

95. A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 369, exp. 14.

96. A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 356, ff. 257-316, passim.

97. A. G. N., Civil, tomo 77, exp. 14, and Inquisici6n, tomo 380, exp. 2. Other
friars who served at Pecos prior to the Pueblo Revolt were Fray Domingo del
Espiritu Santo (1635), Fray Antonio de Ybargaray (1636), Fray Juan Gonzalez
(1661), Fray Nicolas Enriquez (1666), Fray Juan Bernal (1670), Fray Luis de
Morales (1672), and Fray Francisco de Velasco (1680).

98. Benavides, Memorial (1634).

99. A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 356.

100. A. G. N., Civil, tomo 77, exp. 14.

FRIAR PERSONNEL AND MISSION CHRONOLOGY 67

The founder of Picuris mission was Fray Martin de
Arvide, who arrived with Chavarria in the autumn of 1621
and was evidently assigned to Picuris soon thereafter. Bena-
vides gives a brief account of Arvide's labors at the new
mission and of the ill-treatment he received at the hands
of some of the Indians. Native opposition finally forced
him to abandon the mission, and in 1625 he was stationed
at Santo Domingo. Missionary work was not resumed at
Picuris until 1628 (see section 8) ,101

Benavides states that Fray Pedro de Ortega was the
founder of Taos mission. Since we know that Ortega was
at Pecos in September, 1621, prior to Chavarria's arrival,
and we have references to missionary activity at Taos as
of 1622, we infer that Ortega was transferred from Pecos
to Taos in the latter part of 1621 or early in 1622. At Taos,
as at Picuris, considerable native opposition was encoun-
tered. After the arrival of Benavides in December, 1625,
Ortega was appointed notary of the Holy Office and was
assigned to the Santa Fe convent. Mission work at Taos
was resumed in 1627, when one of the friars who accom-
panied Benavides took charge (see section 8) ,102

In separate articles previously published the authors
of the present paper have traced the early history of the
Jemez missions.103 The first mission was founded at San
Jose de Guisewa by Fray Jeronimo de Zarate Salmer6n in
the autumn of 1621, or during the winter of 1621-1622.
Soon thereafter Salmeron established a second mission
known as the "pueblo de la Congregation" and later as San
Diego de la Congregation. This foundation was apparently
located at or near the present Jemez pueblo. Local disturb-
ances resulted in the abandonment of this "congregation"
pueblo in 1623 and the scattering of its population. What
effect this had on the mission at San Jose is not clear, but
it would appear that the latter was not abandoned, since a

101. Benavides, Memorial (1634).

102. Ibid., and A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 356, ff. 257-316, passim.

103. L. B. Bloom and L. B. Mitchell, "The Chapter Elections in 1672," NEW MEX.
HiST. REV., XIII (1938), pp. 85-119; Scholes, "Notes on the Jemez missions in the
seventeenth century," El Palacio, XLIV (1938), pp. 61-71, 93-102.

68 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

document of 1626 refers to Salmeron as "guardian of the
convent of San Jose of the Jemez." For later developments
at Jemez in the time of Benavides, see section 8.

Vetancurt tells us that Fray Francisco de Acevedo, who
came to New Mexico in 1629, built the church at Abo, and
also two smaller ones at Tenabo and Tabira.104 We now
have evidence, however, that missionary work had been in
progress at Abo for several years prior to the arrival of
Acevedo. In a letter written from Chilili on October 4, 1622,
Fray Alonso de Peinado refers to the "nations" that had
recently been reduced to faith and obedience, "como son la
nation de los Taos, de los Pecos, y la de los Ernes, y los del
pueblo de guerra de Abo y Penabo [Tenabo?]."105 This is
a clear indication that the Abo mission dates from at least
1622. The next reference to it is recorded in a document,
dated January, 1626, in which we learn that Fray Francisco
Fonte, a member of the group of friars who accompanied
Chavarria in 1621, was "guardian of Abo."106 It is possible
that the Abo convent had been established as early as 1622,
when Peinado wrote his letter, or its erection may have been
voted at a chapter meeting held after the arrival of Bena-
vides in December, 1625. In any case, we have definite proof
that the convent was founded prior to the arrival of Acevedo
in 1629.

Perea's Relaciones record that Acevedo was one of a
group of friars assigned to the Piro-Tompiro pueblos in
1629, and there is evidence that Acevedo served in the
Tompiro area for some thirty years thereafter.107 It would
appear, however, that he did not become guardian of Abo
until several years subsequent to 1629, for Fray Juan del
Campo is recorded as guardian in 1634.108 But in view of
the fact that Acevedo spent so many years among the Tom-
piro, Vetancurt is undoubtedly justified in stressing his

104. Vetancurt, op. cit., vol. 4, p. 260.

105. A. G. N., Civil, tomo 77, exp. 14.

106. A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 856, ff. 260v., 263v.

107. Hackett, Historical Documents, vol. 3, pp. 146, 147, 159.

108. A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 380, exp. 2.

FRIAR PERSONNEL AND MISSION CHRONOLOGY 69

services, and it may well be true that Acevedo deserves chief
credit for the construction of the Abo church and convent.109

7. FRIAR PERSONNEL, 1626-1629

In section 5 we have listed fourteen friars remaining in
New Mexico for whom supplies were sent in the caravan
that arrived in the province toward the end of December,
1625. With the caravan came twelve others, making a total
of twenty-six in New Mexico at the beginning of 1626.

Of the twelve who came with the caravan we can iden-
tify only seven, as follows: Fray Alonso de Benavides, the
new custodian, Fray Tomas de Carrasco, Fray Martin del
Espiritu Santo, Fray Alonso de Estremera, Fray Juan Gu-
tierrez de la Chica, Fray Andres de Zea, and Fray Pedro de
Vergara, who had journeyed to Mexico City in 1622 and now
returned to the province.110 We have no clear evidence as
to the identity of any of the other five.

The supply wagons set out on the return journey to
Mexico in the autumn of 1626. In 1627-1628 preparations
were made for the next caravan, which left Mexico in Sep-
tember, 1628, and arrived in New Mexico in the spring of
the following year (1629). This dispatch brought supplies
for twenty friars in the province, evidently the number
remaining there when the preceding caravan set out for
New Spain in the autumn of 1626.111

On the basis of contemporary data, we find that eleven
of these were friars already in New Mexico in 1625; the
other nine were evidently members of the group that arrived
in December of that year. The first eleven included Arvide,
Ascensio de Zarate, Baptista, Fonte, Haro de la Cueva, Or-
tega, Pedraza (lay brother), Quiros, Salas, Suarez, and
Zambrano Ortiz. The group of nine included Benavides,
Carrasco, Martin del Espiritu Santo, Estremera, Gutierrez

109. Other friars who served at Abo before the Pueblo Revolt were Fray Antonio
de Aguado (1659), Fray Joseph de Paredes (1662), Fray Gabriel de Torija (1668),
Fray Nicolas de Villar (1669), and Fray Ildefonso Gil de Avila (1672).

110. Carrasco, Espiritu Santo, and Zea are mentioned in Benavides' Memorial of
1634. References to the others occur in contemporary sources, 1626 et seq.

111. Accounts for purchase of supplies for this caravan are found in A. G. I.,
Contaduria, leg. 728, 729, 845A.

70 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

de la Chica, Vergara (lay brother), Zea, and two unidenti-
fied friars.

In 1627 Perea was re-elected as custodian, to succeed
Benavides. He returned to New Mexico with the 1629 cara-
van, bringing with him a group of thirty friars, nine of
whom came at the expense of the Franciscan Order.112 The
names of twenty are recorded in Perea's Relaciones, as
follows: (1) Fray Francisco de Acevedo, (2) Fray Antonio
de Arteaga, (3) Fray Cristobal de la Concepcion (lay broth-
er), (4) Fray Francisco de la Concepcion, (5) Fray Agustin
de Cuellar, (6) Fray Roque de Figueredo, (7) Fray Diego
de la Fuente, (8) Fray Martin Gonzalez,113 (9) Fray Andres
Gutierrez, (10) Fray Francisco de Letrado, (11) Fray Fran-
cisco de la Madre de Dios (lay brother), (12) Fray Tomas
Manso, (13) Fray Francisco Munoz, (14) Fray Francisco
de Porras, (15) Fray Juan Ramirez, (16) Fray Bartolome
Romero, (17) Fray Francisco de San Buenaventura (lay
brother), (18) Fray Tomas de San Diego, (19) Fray Garcia
de San Francisco (lay brother), 114 and (20) Fray Diego de
San Lucas (lay brother) . On the basis of other sources we
can identify six others : (21) Fray Diego Lopez, (22) Fray
Alonso de San Juan (lay brother) , again returning to New
Mexico, (23) Fray Pedro de Santana, (24) Fray Luis Sua-
rez, (25) Fray Alonso de Yanez (lay brother), and (26)
Fray Garcia de Zuniga (lay brother) . The remaining four
cannot be identified.

Fray Martin Gonzalez died en route,115 and Fray Luis
Suarez died four days after the caravan arrived.116 In the
autumn of 1629 three friars, Fray Alonso de Benavides,
Fray Francisco Munoz, and Fray Garcia de Zuniga, returned

112. L. B. Bloom, "Fray Estevan de Perea's Relaci6n," NEW MEX. HIST. REV.,
VIII (1933), p. 224.

113. In a marginal note to section 38 of Benavides' Memorial of 1634, the name
is given as Fray Bartolome Gonzales.

114. Vetancurt (oj>. cit., col. 4, pp. 24-25) gives this friar's name as Garcia
de San Francisco y Zuniga. The chronicler evidently confused two friars, both of
them lay brothers, named Garcia de San Francisco and Garcia de Zuniga. The latter
was much older than Garcia de San Francisco.

115. Bloom, "Fray Estevan de Perea's Relacion," p. 225.

116. Benavides, Memorial (1634), section 38, and marginal note.

FRIAR PERSONNEL AND MISSION CHRONOLOGY 71

to New Spain.117 Deducting these five, we have a total of
forty-six friars in service at the end of 1629. This figure
is confirmed by a report made by Fray Tomas Manso, pro-
curador general of the custody, during the negotiations
which resulted in the formulation of the famous supply
service contract of 1631. Thirty-five were priests, and eleven
were lay brothers.118

The friars in service at the end of 1629 were :

(1) Fray Francisco de Acevedo. Came in 1629.

(2) Fray Antonio de Arteaga. Came in 1629.

(3) Fray Martin de Arvide. Came in 1621.

(4) Fray Andres de Baptista. Came in 1609.

(5) Fray Tomas de Carrasco. Came in 1625.

(6) Fray Cristobal de la Concepcion (lay brother).
Came in 1629.

(7) Fray Francisco de la Concepcion. Came in 1629.

(8) Fray Agustin de Cuellar. Came in 1629.

(9) Fray Martin del Espiritu Santo. Came in 1625.

(10) Fray Alonso de Estremera. Came in 1625.

(11) Fray Roque de Figueredo. Came in 1629.

(12) Fray Francisco Fonte. Came in 1621.

(13) Fray Diego de la Fuente. Came in 1629.

(14) Fray Andres Gutierrez. Came in 1629.

(15) Fray Juan Gutierrez de la Chica. Came in 1625.

(16) Fray Pedro Haro de la Cueva. Came in 1612.

(17) Fray Francisco de Letrado. Came in 1629.

(18) Fray Diego L6pez. Came in 1629.

(19) Fray Francisco de la Madre de Dios (lay broth-
er) . Came in 1629.

(20) Fray Tomas Manso, procurador general. Came in
1629. Manso also returned to New Spain with the caravan
in the autumn of 1629, but because of his position as director
of the supply service, he was considered as one of the friars
resident in the province.

117. Zuniga gave testimony in Mexico City in 1630. A. G. N., Inquisici6n, tomo
366, ff. 403v-404. In December, 1630, Munoz gave testimony at Hecelchakan in Yuca-
tan and testified that he had left New Mexico in the preceding year. Proceao . . .
contra Diego de Vera Perdomo, A. G. N., Inquisici6n, tomo 495, ff. 89-103.

118. Scholes, "The supply service of the New Mexico missions in the seventeenth
century," p. 97.

72 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

(21) Fray Pedro de Ortega. Came in 1618.

(22) Fray Jeronimo de Pedraza (lay brother) . Came
in 1612.

(23) Fray Estevan de Perea, custodian. First came in
1609.

(24) Fray Francisco de Porras. Came in 1629.

(25) Fray Cristobal de Quiros. Came in 1609.

(26) Fray Juan Ramirez. Came in 1629.

(27) Fray Bartolome Romero. Came in 1629.

(28) Fray Juan de Salas. Came in 1612.

(29) Fray Francisco de San Buenaventura (lay broth-
er) . Came in 1629.

(30) Fray Tomas de San Diego. Came in 1629.

(31) Fray Garcia de San Francisco (lay brother).
Came in 1629.

(32) Fray Alonso de San Juan (lay brother). First
came in 1603 or 1605.

(33) Fray Diego de San Lucas (lay brother) . Came in
1629.

(34) Fray Pedro de Santana. Came in 1629.

(35) Fray Andres Suarez (or Juarez) . Came in 1609.

(36) Fray Pedro de Vergara (lay brother). First
came in 1598.

(37) Fray Alonso de Yanez (lay brother). Came in
1629.

(38) Fray Pedro Zambrano Ortiz. Came in 1616.

(39) Fray Ascensio de Zarate. Came in 1621.

(40) Fray Andres de Zea. Came in 1625.

(41-46) Six unidentified friars, of whom two came in
1625 and four in 1629. Two were evidently lay brothers,
since only nine are included in the forty names listed
above.

8. MISSIONARY PROGRESS, 1626-1629

During the period from 1626 to 1629 additional con-
vents were founded in the Tewa, Manzano Tiwa, and
Tompiro areas, work was resumed at Picuris and Taos, and
the mission in the Jemez "pueblo de la Congregacion" was
re-established. New missions were also founded in the Piro

FRIAR PERSONNEL AND MISSION CHRONOLOGY 73

district, at Acoma, and among the Zuiii and Hopi pueblos.
By the end of 1629 the Franciscans were engaged in mis-
sionary effort in all parts of the Pueblo country.

In the Tewa area Benavides established a third convent
at Santa Clara. This foundation probably dates from ca.
1628, since we have evidence that the custodian was in
residence at Santa Clara during part of the summer of that
year.119 In the 1630 Memorial Benavides refers to three
convents in the Tewa district, but in the revised edition of
1634 he speaks of San Ildefonso and three others.120 We
infer therefore that a fourth convent, undoubtedly San Juan,
had been established sometime after Benavides left New
Mexico in 1629 and by the summer of 1633. If the fourth
convent had been founded at a later date, Benavides could
not have received the report in time to incorporate the in-
formation in the revised Memorial, which was presented
to Pope Urban VIII on February 12, 1634.121.

The convent of Chilili is the only one recorded for the
Manzano Tiwa district prior to 1626. A document of 1628
states that Fray Juan Gutierrez de la Chica, who came with
Benavides, was then "guardian of the convent of Nuestra
Senora de la Concepcion of the pueblo of Querac [Cua-
rac]."122 We assume therefore that this second friar-house
was established under Benavides* auspices sometime be-
tween 1626 and 1628. In the 1630's Fray Estevan de Perea,
after serving his second term as custodian, spent several
years at Cuarac. Vetancurt states that it was he who con-
verted the pueblo,123 but in view of the foregoing evidence
the chronicler's statement may be interpreted as meaning
that Perea completed the work of indoctrination carried
on in preceding years by Fray Juan Gutierrez de la Chica.124

119. Benavides, acting as commissary of the Holy Office, received the testimony of
several witnesses at Santa Clara on July 21 and 26, 1628. A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo
363. Fray Antonio Perez was guardian in 1638.

120. Benavides, Memorial (Ayer ed.), p. 24, and Memorial (1634), setion 33.

121. Fray Miguel de Guevara was guardian of San Juan in 1665, Fray Sebas-
tian de Contreras in 1666, and Fray Felipe Montes in 1672.

122. A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 363.

123. Vetancurt, wp. cit., vol. 3, p. 324.

124. Other friars who served at Cuarac prior to the Pueblo Revolt were Fray
Juan de Salas (early 1640's), Fray Jeronimo de la Liana (1659), Fray Nicolas de
Freitas (1660), Fray Francisco de Salazar (1668), and Fray Diego de Parraga (1672).

74 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

In the Memorial of 1630, as in the revised edition of

1634, Benavides refers to six convents and churches among
the "Tompira Nation," in which he evidently includes the
Manzano Tiwa.125 This argues in favor of the founding of
a convent at Tajique as early as 1629, although the earliest
mention of a guardian of Tajique occurs in a document of

1635, when Fray Francisco de la Concepcion was in charge
of the mission.126

As noted in section 6, the Abo convent was established
as early as 1626, and it evidently became the center for mis-
sionary work at other Tompiro pueblos, such as Tenabo and
Tabira. Another Tompiro town, also located in the Salinas
district, was called "Xumanas." Benavides tells us that it
was so named, "because this nation often comes there to
trade and barter." The name may also be derived from the
fact that the village was probably one of the pueblos of
Jumanos-Rayados mentioned in the Onate documents. On
a visit to the town in 1629, Benavides preached to the natives
and dedicated the incipient mission to San Isidro, arch-
bishop of Seville. Apparently nothing more was done until
after the arrival of the 1629 caravan, when Fray Francisco
de Letrado, member of a group assigned to the Piro-Tompiro
area, took charge. Benavides states that Letrado "converted
and baptized the pueblo and founded there a convent and a
fine church." It is evident, however, that Letrado did not
remain there more than a year or two, since we know that
he was killed at Hawikuh in 1632. The convent of San
Isidro was apparently abandoned, and for many years the
pueblo was administered from Abo. In 1659-1660 a resident
mission was re-established, this time named San Buenaven-
tura de las Humanas, and Fray Diego de Santander, who
was guardian at this time, started the construction of a new
church and convent. Kubler first identified this mission
pueblo as the Gran Quivira ruin, also known as Tabira.

125. Benavides, Memorial (Ayer ed.), p. 20, and Memorial (1634), section 29.

126. A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 380, exp. 2. Other friars who served at Tajique
prior to the Pueblo Revolt were Fray Jeronimo de la Liana (1636), Fray Diego de
Parraga (1660), Fray Juan Ramirez (1660), Fray Francisco Gomez de la Cadena
(1671-72), and Fray Sebastian de Aliri (1672).

FRIAR PERSONNEL AND MISSION CHRONOLOGY 75

But in view of the fact that in the documents of the 1660's
Tabira is recorded as a visita of Las Humanas, the former
was obviously a separate site.127

Work at the Picuris mission, founded in 1621 or 1622
by Fray Martin de Arvide and subsequently abandoned,
was resumed in 1628, so Benavides tells us, by Fray Andres
de Zea. It is to Fray Ascensio de Zarate, however, that
Benavides gives chief credit for the "conversion and gen-
eral baptism of that indomitable pueblo." Zarate's services
probably date from about 1629 to 1632. Vetancurt states
that in the latter year Zarate "passed to the Lord ... in
the convent of San Lorenzo de los Picuries."128

In 1627 Fray Tomas de Carrasco, who had accompanied
Benavides to New Mexico in 1625, took charge of the Taos
mission started five or six years earlier by Fray Pedro de
Ortega. According to Benavides, Carrasco carried on the
work "with great zeal and courage," and built a "good
church with fine architecture."129 Carrasco is not mentioned
in other contemporary records, so we cannot fix the term
of his service at Taos. Vetancurt tells us that Fray Pedro
de Miranda was martyred at Taos in 1631, but this is evi-
dently an error for 1639.130 Fray Nicolas de Hidalgo was
guardian in 1638.131

Another event of importance during the period of
Benavides' tenure as custodian was the refounding of the
"congregation" mission and pueblo in the Jemez area, known
henceforth as San Diego de la Congregacion, or simply as
San Diego de los Jemez. The missionary who carried out
this work was Fray Martin de Arvide, who had served in

127. Benavides, Memorial (1634), section 29; G. Kubler, "Gran Quivira-
Humanas," NEW MBX. HIST. REV., XIV (1939), pp. 418-21. F. V. Scholes and H. P.
Mera, Some Aspects of the Jumano Problem (Washington, 1940), pp. 276-85.

128. Benavides, Memorial (1634), section 35; Vetancurt, op. tit., vol. 4, p. 898.
Other friars who served at Picuris prior to the Pueblo Revolt were Fray Juan de
Vidania (1637), Fray Francisco Munoz (1660), Fray Juan Lobato (1661), Fray An-
tonio de Sierra (1671-72), and Fray Matias de Rendon (1680).

129. Benavides, Memorial (1634), section 36.

130. Vetancurt, op. cit., vol. 4, p. 414; Scholes, Church and State, p. 137.

131. Other friars who served at Taos prior to the Pueblo Revolt were Fray Sal-
vador de Guerra (1659-60), Fray Felipe Rodriguez (1660), Fray Luis Martinez (1661),
Fray Andres Duran (1663), Fray Antonio de Mora (1672-80).

76 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

earlier years at Picuris. There is some question, however,
as to the date of Arvide's services in the Jemez area.

In Benavides' revised Memorial of 1634 we learn that
Arvide served in both the Jemez and Piro districts during
the custodian's term of office. The problem is to fix the
chronology, and the difficulty arises from the fact that
Benavides' narrative does not make the sequence of events
entirely clear. In section 34 on "The Hemes Nation" the
date for the beginning of Arvide's labors there appears to
be 1626, although the final "6" might be read as an "8." In
section 25 on the "Nation of the Piros" Benavides describes
his own missionary activities among the Piro, beginning in
1626, and states that after the work was well started (he
seems to imply a period of about a year and a half) he
turned it over to Arvide to carry on. Thus it would appear,
on the basis of the foregoing evidence, that Arvide served
first at Jemez in 1626, and that he later took charge of the
Piro missions, possibly toward the end of 1627 or in 1628.

But when we turn to section 42 of the revised Memorial,
in which Benavides gives a sketch of Arvide's life, we find
a different story. Here Benavides, after relating Arvide's
services at Picuris, states that he placed him in charge of
the missionary program in the Piro area which the cus-
todian had started. And following this passage we read:
"Afterwards I sent him to the Hemes nation," etc. Benavides
then tells how Arvide reassembled the Indians in a pueblo
of more than 300 houses, viz., San Diego de la Congregacion,
and that having completed the conversion of the Jemez,
Arvide set out on the journey to the Zipia country, during
which he was killed on February 27, 1632.

We are of the opinion, therefore, that the "1626" date
in the Jemez section of the revised Memorial should be read
as 1628, and that Arvide's work in the Jemez area started
in the latter year, after a period of service among the Piro.
The only other alternative would be to assume that Arvide
was actually at Jemez in 1626, that he went from there to
the Piro area, and that he later returned to Jemez sometime
before 1632, when he suffered martyrdom while en route to

FRIAR PERSONNEL AND MISSION CHRONOLOGY 77

the Zipia country. But there is nothing in Benavides' sketch
of the friar's life to substantiate such inferences. Moreover,
in our account of the Piro conversions, we shall cite other
evidence in favor of dating Arvide's Piro services in 1626
or 1627.

At the end of Benavides' term of office in 1629, there
were two convents in the Jemez area, San Jose de Giusewa
and San Diego de la Congregation. Within the succeeding
decade, however, the convent of San Jose was apparently
abandoned, and San Diego became the center of missionary
activity among the Jemez during the remainder of the period
prior to the Pueblo Revolt of 1680.132

We turn now to the story of early missionary enterprise
among the Rio Grande Piro. Benavides claims for himself
the chief credit for the conversion of this group, and al-
though he unduly stresses his own role, it is undoubtedly
true that he took an active part in the work and that it was
carried on at first under his direction and supervision. In
section 25 of the revised Memorial we are told that the
custodian, beginning in 1626, made as many as nine journeys
from his residence as prelate (Santo Domingo) to the Piro
area, and that within less than a year and a half "they were
all converted through the virtue of the divine word preached
by a minister as unworthy as I."133 And having established
the conversion on a firm basis, he then "handed it over" to
Fray Martin de Arvide, who continued the work and
founded a convent and church. This would imply that Ar-
vide took charge sometime during the second half of 1627,
or possibly as late as 1628.

The account in Benavides' sketch of Arvide's life is less
definite as to the time when Arvide took charge. Here the
custodian merely relates that he started the conversions,

132. Scholes, "Notes on the Jemez missions in the seventeenth century," pp. 93-
98. Friars who served at Jemez prior to the Pueblo Revolt were Fray Diego de San
Lucas (1639), Fray Juan del Campo (1640), Fray Alonso de Posada (1656), Fray
Miguel Sacristan (1661), Fray Salvador de Guerra (1661 and for several years there-
after), Fray Tomas de Alvarado (1669), Fray Tomas de la Torre (1672), Fray Fran-
cisco Munoz (1680), Fray Juan de Jesus (1680).

133. This passage and one or two others are quoted from the edition of the 1634
Memorial now in press.

78 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

but was unable to continue because of his duties as prelate.
Consequently he entrusted the work to Arvide, who baptized
and converted many Indians, and, as stated above, founded
a church and convent.

If we turn to other evidence, recorded in documents of
1626-1628, we find that Benavides made his first missionary
journey to the Piro area toward the end of June, 1626, and
that he remained about a month, returning to the northern
pueblos by the end of July. The document in which this
journey is mentioned states that he had gone "to convert the
pueblo of Senecu." We also learn that in the autumn of
1626 he accompanied the returning supply caravan as far
as Senecu, and that he made another journey to the Piro
country in October, 1627.134 This evidence confirms Bena-
vides' own statement that his missionary activity among
the Piro extended over a period of something less than a
year and a half.

But the most valuable data recorded in these early
documents refer to the Socorro convent. On August 3, 1626,
a soldier gave testimony before Benavides in which he told
about making a journey to the Socorro area and mentioned
"the convent and oratory in which the friars reside." We
also have a document dated at "the convent of Nuestra
Senora del Socorro" on October 22, 1627.135 Thus we find
that a convent, with friars in residence, had been established
as early as the summer of 1626, and we may assume that
one or more were stationed there during the intervals be-
tween Benavides' visits. This means that although the
custodian may have taken the lead in initiating the mis-
sionary program among the Piro and apparently exercised
general supervision by means of frequent visits, the day-to-
day work was carried on by resident friars.

Unfortunately the documents do not record the names
of the friars stationed at Socorro in 1626-1627. We strongly
suspect, however, that Arvide was one of them, and that the
convent and church he is said to have founded were located

134. A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 356, ff. 257-316, passim.

135. A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 356, f. 296, and tomo 363.

FRIAR PERSONNEL AND MISSION CHRONOLOGY 79

there. In short, we are of the opinion that after one or
more visits to the Piro, during which he personally assisted
in starting the work of conversion and baptism, Benavides
turned the work over to Arvide and others to carry on,
since his own duties as custodian made it impossible to
reside in the Piro area for any length of time. Later on,
when the work was proceeding satisfactorily, Arvide was
transferred to Jemez to undertake another important task
there, the ref ounding of the congregation pueblo abandoned
in 1623.

This line of reasoning is supported by the chronology
as stated in Benavides' sketch of Arvide's life in section 42
of the revised Memorial. A close examination of section 25,
describing the beginnings of the Piro conversions, also indi-
cates that it records two significant points: (1) that Bena-
vides made visits to the Piro area over a period of something
less than a year and a half; and (2) that because of his
official duties he "handed over" administration of the area
to Arvide. The order in which these points are presented
and the general tenor of the narrative in section 25 would
imply that Arvide took charge after the work had been in
progress about a year and a half, or toward the end of
1627, but Benavides does not make an explicit statement
to this effect. And in the light of other evidence, it seems
clear that the narrative may be interpreted as recording
two overlapping phases of the Piro missionary enterprise.

We are also of the opinion that Arvide's career indi-
cates that he would have been little inclined to take charge
of a mission where he would have had the relatively easy
task of carrying on a job that someone else had successfully
begun. It was evidently his nature to be a missionary
pioneer. He started the Picuris mission and remained there,
despite the hostility of his neophytes, until the opposition
became so serious that Benavides characterizes it as rebel-
lion. In the early stages of the Piro conversion he would
also have had an opportunity to do pioneer work, even
though Benavides visited the area at frequent intervals.
But once the work was well under way, Benavides, who

80 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

evidently recognized his special talent, sent him to Jemez
to reestablish the congregation pueblo at San Diego. And
it may also be pointed out that during his period of service
at Jemez, Arvide made a missionary journey into the Navaho
country. By 1632, having established the scattered Jemez
at San Diego, he was ready to move on to a new pueblo and
undertook the journey that cost him his life.

We have argued this point at some length because it
involves the chronology of missionary events in two im-
portant parts of the Pueblo area; and it is the purpose of
this paper to establish with as much accuracy as possible
the basic facts of mission chronology in this early period.
The discussion will also have served to clarify important
facts in the career of a courageous Franciscan friar who
gave his life in the service of the Church.

No information is available concerning the immediate
successor of Arvide in the Piro field. After the arrival of
the 1629 caravan additional missionaries were assigned to
that area, of whom the best known are Fray Antonio de
Arteaga and Fray Garcia de San Francisco (lay brother).
Arteaga and the lay brother were stationed at Senecu, where
they founded the convent of San Antonio de Padua, and
during the succeeding nine years they labored together at
this new mission. It was from Senecu that Arteaga, Garcia
de San Francisco, and several others set out on an unsuccess-
ful missionary journey to the country of the Zipias and
Ipotlapiguas in northern Sonora in 1638. Soon thereafter
Arteaga left for New Spain, and Fray Garcia de San Fran-
cisco, still a lay brother, may have accompanied him in order
to obtain ordination as a priest. But whereas Arteaga r^-
mained in Mexico and rejoined his province of San Diego
of the Discalced Franciscans, his old associate returned to
New Mexico to resume his labors at Senecu, where he be-
came guardian of the convent. Fray Garcia remained at
Senecu until the end of the 1650's, and in 1659-1661 served
as vice-custodian. It was also at this time that he undertook

FRIAR PERSONNEL AND MISSION CHRONOLOGY 81

the direction of a new missionary enterprise among the
Manso and Suma Indians in the El Paso region.136

Vetancurt tells us that Socorro "was a foundation of
the venerable Padre Fray Garcia."137 Although he may have
assisted at Socorro from time to time, it is now clear, on the
basis of the data presented above, that the Socorro mission
was established before 1629, when Fray Garcia first came
to New Mexico. The earliest reference to a friar at Socorro
subsequent to 1629 is for the year 1638, when Fray Juan
Suarez (or Juarez) was guardian.138

Benavides' Memorials of 1630 and 1634 also mention a
third Piro convent at Sevilleta, but this foundation was not
permanent. We have no record of any friar who served as
guardian, and it was apparently replaced by the convent
of Alamillo. A document of 1638 states that Fray Diego
L6pez was then guardian of the "Convento del Santo Angel
de la Guarda del Alamillo."139 The mission was later known
as Santa Ana.

It is unnecessary to trace in any detail the story of the
founding of the new missions at Acoma and in the Zuni
and Hopi areas in 1629, since the essential facts are well
known. Fray Juan Ramirez founded the convent at Acoma
and apparently served there for many years.140 Fray Roque
de Figueredo, Fray Agustin de Cuellar, and Fray Francisco
de la Madre de Dios started the conversions in the Zuni
district. One convent was established at Hawikuh, and a
second probably at Halona. It is apparent, however, that

136. Bloom, "Fray Estevan de Perea's Relacidn," p. 226 ; Vetancurt, op. cit., vol.
3, p. 309, vol. 4, pp. 24-25 ; A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 385, exp. 15 ; Scholes, Troublous
Times in New Mexico (1659-1670) (Albuquerque, 1942), pp. 21-106, passim; Hackett,
Historical Documents, vol. 3, p. 189. Other friars who served at Senecu were Fray
Diego de Santander (1665), Fray Tomas de Alvarado (1667), Fray Nicolas Hurtado

(1670), Fray Joseph de Paredes (1672), and Fray Ildefonso Gil de Avila (1675).

137. Vetancurt, op. cit., vol. 3, p. 309.

138. A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 385, exp. 15. Other friars who served at
Socorro prior to the Pueblo Revolt were Fray Benito de la Natividad (1659-61), Fray
Fernando de Velasco (1672).

139. A. G. N., Inquisicion, tomo 385, exp. 15. Other friars who served at Ala-
millo were Fray Francisco de Acevedo (1659), Fray Salvador de San Antonio (1672).

140. Other friars who served at Acoma prior to the Pueblo Revolt were Fray
Francisco Mufioz (1660-61), Fray Salvador de Guerra (1661), Fray Nicolas Freitas
and Fray Diego de Santander (1666), Fray Fernando de Velasco (1667), Fray Lucas
Maldonado (1671-80).

82 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

these three friars did not long remain among the Zuni, and
by 1632 Letrado had been transferred from San Isidro de
Xumanas to Hawikuh where he suffered martyrdom in 1632.
The later history of the Zuni missions has been told in detail
in the writings of Dr. F. W. Hodge.141

The pioneer friars in the Hopi area were Fray Fran-
cisco Porras, Fran Andres Gutierrez, Fray Cristobal de la
Concepcion (lay brother), Fray Francisco de San Buena-
ventura, and Fray Bartolome Romero. The first three are
mentioned in Perea's Relaciones; the fourth is mentioned
in Vetancurt's account of the death of Porras in 1633 ;142
and from the seventeenth century records we learn that
Romero served in the Hopi area for some ten years prior
to 1640.143

The first convent was established at Awatobi in 1629,
and it was here, so Vetancurt tells us, that Porras was poi-
soned in 1633. Fray Francisco de San Buenaventura was
serving there with him at this time.144 A second convent
was founded at Oraibi, probably within a year after the first
friars arrived in the Hopi area. Fray Bartolome was guard-
ian in 1640, and we have his own statement that he had
already spent ten years among the Hopi.145 By 1641 Shongo-
povi also had its own friar-house.146 The other Hopi towns,
Walpi and Mishongnovi were administered as visitas of these
mission centers.

141. Fray Juan de la Ascension served at Hawikuh in 1660-62, and in 1672
Fray Pedro de Avila y Ayala was killed there. Fray Juan Galdo was stationed at
Halona in 1671-72, and Fray Juan del Bal in 1680.

142. Vetancurt, op. cit., vol. 4, p. 212.

143. A. G. I., Patronato, leg. 244, ramo 7.

144 Other friars who served at Awatobi prior to the Pueblo Revolt were Fray
Alonso de Posada (1653-55), Fray Jacinto de Monpean (ca. 1662), Fray Jose de Espe-
leta (1672), and Fray Jose de Figueroa, alias de la Concepcion (1680).

145. Other friars who served at Oraibi prior to the Pueblo Revolt were Fray
Jose de Espeleta (1669-72), Fray Jose de Trujillo (1672), Fray Jose de Espeleta and
Fray Agustin de Santa Maria (1680).

146. Fray Jose de Trujillo was killed at Shongopovi in 1680.

NECROLOGY

JAMES FULTON ZIMMEKMAN

Death came to James Fulton Zimmerman, president of
the University of New Mexico, on the evening of October 20,
1944, while he was attending a dinner party at the home of
L. P. Briggs in Albuquerque. He was stricken with coronary
thrombosis. His passing was sudden, but was not entirely
unexpected as Dr. Zimmerman had suffered a severe heart
attack on a hunting trip several years before from which it
was thought for a while he would not recover. It was only
a short time ago that he discussed with the writer his finan-
cial affairs and asked that a buyer be found for his farm
under the Rio Grande Conservancy district holdings which
he had acquired with a view of some day retiring to it.

Dr. Zimmerman was born on September 11, 1887, at
Glen Allen, a small settlement near Lutesville, Bellinger
County, in southeastern Missouri, the son of James Madison
and Emily Narcissus McKelvey Zimmerman. A student at
the Marvin Collegiate Institute at Fredericktown, Madison
County, Missouri, 1905 to 1908, he also taught public school
in adjoining Bollinger County in 1905 and 1906. It was from
Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee, however, at
which he was a student, 1908-1913, that he obtained his
B. A. and M. A. degrees. It was in the last-named year, on
October 30, that he married Willa Adella Tucker, who sur-
vives him together with two daughters, Elizabeth Adelia
(Mrs. C. Sidney Cottle) of Albuquerque, whose husband is a
lieutenant commander in the U. S. Navy in the South Pacific,
and Helen Emily (Mrs. R. Howard Brandenburg) of Taos,
New Mexico.

Teacher of history in the Duncan Preparatory School
at Nashville, Tennessee, 1913 to 1915 ; acting professor of
history and government at the West Tennessee Normal
School, Memphis, in 1915; principal of the high school at
Paris, Tennessee, in 1916; instructor in economics and so-
ciology at Vanderbilt University, 1917 to 1919 ; he entered
Columbia University as a graduate student 1919 to 1923,

83

84 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

receiving his Ph. D. degree in 1925. In the meanwhile, he
had been assistant executive secretary of the Institute of
Social and Religious Research, New York City 1923-1925.
It was in the last named year, at the age of 38, that he
became professor of political science of the University of
New Mexico, Albuquerque, a post which he held when at
the age of 39 years, succeeding Dr. David Spence Hill, he
became acting president of the University on January 18,
1927, and president on September 1, 1927, although not
inaugurated until June 4, 1928.

Dr. Zimmerman, as a member of the Carnegie Endow-
ment for International Peace, was one of a European study
group in the summer of 1931. He was a member of the
Committee on Institutions of Higher Education and vice-
president of the North Central Association of Colleges and
Secondary Schools 1940-1941 ; chairman of the Commission
on Cultural Relations with Latin America of the Association
of American Colleges ; member of the Southwestern Political
and Social Science Association; member of the National
Association of State Universities, serving as president 1940-
1941; and member of the following educational, honorary
and Greek letter fraternities : New Mexico Educational As-
sociation, American Association for the Advancement of
Science, New Mexico Historical Society, Phi Beta Kappa,
Phi Kappa Phi, Alpha Tau Omega, Sigma Upsilon, Phi
Gamma Mu. He was president of the Coronado Cuarto Cen-
tennial Commission 1935-1940, which in addition to putting
on a colorful state-wide historical pageant in 1940, resulted
in the establishment of the Coronado State Monument and
archaeological museum at Bernalillo, and the Bandelier se-
ries of historical publications.

The breadth of Dr. Zimmerman's educational and scien-
tific interests can be gauged from the fact that he was a
zealous member of the School of American Research and a
regent of the Museum of New Mexico as well as a director
of the Laboratory of Anthropology at Santa Fe, in whose
transactions he was one of the guiding factors.

NECROLOGY 85

A faithful attendant of the Methodist-Episcopal church
he was also an enthusiastic Rotarian, serving as president
of the Albuquerque Club and governor of the 42d Rotary
district, including New Mexico and southwestern Texas. He
had visited practically every county and every city and town
in the State on educational errands and traveled far and
wide to attend educational and scientific conferences. It was
due to the zeal and never lagging effort of Dr. Zimmerman
that the University entered upon a program of intensive
building, broadening of interests, addition of new depart-
ments, a post graduate course and scientific research. He
emphasized a university program paying particular atten-
tion to the natural advantages and development of New
Mexico's resources. Inter- American relations, anthropology,
arts and social sciences were his favorite topics in his many
commencement orations, and other public addresses. He
overlooked no opportunity to obtain money grants or influ-
ential cooperation and collaboration in furthering his ob-
jectives. This resulted in the influence of the University
reaching Latin America and in the enrollment of the Uni-
versity increasing in the first ten years of his presidency
from 610 to 2,569.

The founding of the University Press was an example
of the close and profitable coordination of two State Insti-
tutions, the University and the Museum of New Mexico, to
which were added the School of American Research and the
New Mexico Historical Society. At a conference of Dr. Ed-
gar L. Hewett, Dr. Zimmerman, the writer, and Attorney
John F. Simms, plans were formulated for the removal of
El Palacio Press from Santa Fe to Albuquerque and its sub-
sequent development, the founding of the "New Mexico
Quarterly" and an imposing program of book and periodical
publications which have brought the Press and the Univer-
sity and its faculty far-flung fame for their publications.

The Harwood Foundation at Taos, the Chaco Canyon
archaeological station ; the San Jose experimental bi-lingual
school, summer field schools, teachers college, extension

86 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

courses, and other undertakings and innovations of far-
reaching import, can be credited to his administration.

The War placed additional heavy burdens upon the
President of the University. The channeling of curriculum
and assignment of faculty to programs adapted to military
training was successfully accomplished without too much
disturbance of the regular University instruction. Dr. Zim-
merman, however, had set his face resolutely against lower-
ing of University standards (so he told the writer only
recently) in order to accommodate any post-war planning.
He believed educational facilities are ample elsewhere for
those who after the war sought manual training or could
not qualify for University entrance requirements or main-
tain scholarly standards.

The building program fostered by Dr. Zimmerman has
made the University campus favorably known throughout
the land. Almost a score of modern structures in the archi-
tectural style of New Mexico, have been added since Dr.
Zimmerman became president, four of them being dedicated
at his inauguration. The most pretentious of the newest
buildings are the magnificent library and the well-planned
administration building. He was instrumental in allotting
a part of the University lands for faculty homes and fra-
ternity and sorority houses, all of Pueblo design of which
the University was the first exponent, Dr. Zimmerman over-
coming original local opposition by demonstrating the
adaptability, beauty and historical appropriateness of this
style of architecture. A fine athletic field and stadium, golf
links and extension of the landscaping of the campus are
achievements of his administration.

In his inaugural address, Dr. Zimmerman outlined com-
prehensive plans for the growth of the University, so idealis-
tic that many of his hearers doubted their practicality. It
was given to him to achieve these but at the sacrifice of his
health, his very life. He had to overcome racial prejudices,
professional jealousies, political and personal antagonisms,
local wrangling and covert opposition. He had to be astute

NECROLOGY 87

statesman, adroit politician, resourceful financier. It was
his task many times to reconcile and satisfy viewpoints of
faculty and ever changing boards of regents, to plead with
state governors, under six of whom, Republican and Demo-
cratic, he served, to wit : Governors Dillon, Seligman, Hock-
enhull, Tingley, Miles and Dempsey. He had to persuade
legislature after legislature, finance committees and finance
boards to grant needed financial support; he had to pacify
pressure groups, the press and public opinion when unjust
opposition to the University and its aims voiced itself. He
would much rather have devoted himself to scholarly writing
and research. He was the author of The Impressment of
American Seamen," "The American Way in Foreign Af-
fairs" and other contributions to periodicals as well as
numerous important addresses which should be gathered and
placed in the University Library.

Funeral rites were performed at the Student Union
Building on the campus. The casket rested on a catafalque
adorned with a floral arrangement of white chrysanthemums
and red roses, a token from the Zimmerman family. The
Rev. W. Carl Clement, pastor of the Central Avenue Metho-
dist Church, preached the funeral sermon. A quartet of
male singers sang two hymns, and Mrs. Miriam Douglass
played the organ voluntaries and accompaniments. Burial
was in Fairview Cemetery. Pall-bearers were B. H. Kinney,
John Milne, Cale Carson, Dr. W. R. Lovelace, M. R. Bu-
chanan, Hugh B. Woodward, Judge Sam G. Bratton and
Thomas L. Popejoy.

Many were the tributes paid Dr. Zimmerman by asso-
ciates and others prominent in educational circles ond
political life. It was Dr. Joaquin Ortega, head of the School
of Inter-American Affairs, who had said that the able lead-
ership of President J. F. Zimmerman — "a man of vision" —
taxed his resources and his physical endurance beyond or-
dinary human capacity. U. S. Senator Carl Hatch said:
"The death of Dr. Zimmerman is a decided loss, not only to
the university, but to the state and all educational institu-

88 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

tions everywhere. He was my personal friend, and with all
his other friends, I mourn his passing." Clyde Tingley, city
commission chairman and governor when at least five uni-
versity buildings were constructed with Federal aid, paid
tribute to Dr. Zimmerman's indefatigable efforts toward
their construction. "He was tireless in pushing through the
grants for these buildings," Tingley said, "and he put the
university ahead of his health."

Dr. Edgar L. Hewett, director of the Museum of New
Mexico and School of American Research, a loyal friend,
collaborator and counsellor, wrote in El Palado: "He was
called up from the ranks to take up the most exacting task
in the gift of the people, that of the presidency of the State
University. With great modesty, but with steady confidence,
he assumed the trust handed to him. Now he gives over to
the state the results of a noble task nobly executed.

"He was a sturdy son of the West. He came up from
its soil with the inheritance of strength and character that
have given our country so many matchless men. A man of
the people, he remained one of them throughout his life,
with no other ambition than to serve them. To this he gave
all that he had. If he realized the distinction of being placed
at the head of higher education in the state, it was never
obvious in his life among his fellows. He was ever the
modest, steadfast exemplar of Christian manhood.

"Of firm convictions as every strong man is, he was
above prejudice in administration. One could always count
on an attentive conference and an earnest effort to reach a
just agreement. I never knew him to make an unfair de-
cision. Firmly he performed his duties without fear and
without reproach. Upon the foundations laid by able prede-
cessors, and with associates to whom he gave full confidence
and support, he built the great institution that is the pride
of New Mexico.

"Some of us have been privileged to witness the build-
ing of our University from the nondescript plant that he
took over into a campus of distinction among the universities

NECROLOGY 89

of the United States. It was a distinguished life achieve-
ment for any man. Yet he claimed no credit for it.

"May we of New Mexico never underrate and never
forget what we owe to the constructive mind of James Ful-
ton Zimmerman. The guidance of the State University calls
for the best in any man. It is the domain of youth, of those
who are to carry the state toward its destiny. With what
confidence and courage can youth face its opportunities,
when it has the example of such a career for its inspiration.
With what perfect certainty can our country go forward to
its vast destiny so long as from its very soil there always
emerges a Great Soul to meet its every need.

"President Zimmerman's work lives and grows. Its
fruitage is to the generations of the future. Upon every one
of his associates, upon every one of thousands of students,
rests the obligation to carry the guidon of his leadership on
and on and on."— P.A.F.W.

CHARLES LE ROY GIBSON

Charles Le Roy Gibson, associate professor of chemistry
at the University of New Mexico, died at his home in Albu-
querque on December 8, 1944.

Dr. Gibson was born at Clovis, New Mexico, on Febru-
ary 19, 1911, where his father was an official of the A. T. &
S. F. Railway. He received his secondary education in the
Belen, New Mexico, high school. During his high-school
days, following a trip of the Belen high school football team,
on which he played, he was stricken with poliomyelitis from
which he recovered, but which left him unable to walk
except with the aid of crutches.

He entered the University of New Mexico in 1929,
graduating with highest honors in 1933. After a year of
teaching in a New Mexico high school, he became an assist-
ant in chemistry at the University of New Mexico, and in
nine years received repeated promotions, until at his death
he was an associate professor. Studying during summer
quarters and during a leave of absence, he earned the M.S.

90 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

(1936) and the Ph.D. (1941) at the University of Colorado,
his major work being in physical chemistry.

Dr. Gibson was rated by all his students and by his
colleagues on the faculty as an exceptionally fine teacher.
Not only was he very brilliant himself, but he possessed
the faculty of making difficult academic subjects under-
standable to those less gifted. He commanded the respect
and affection of every student who took his work. Shortly
after Pearl Harbor, because of his ability in mathematics
and physics, he was loaned by the chemistry department to
teach physics in the pre-meteorology courses offered to army
and navy students, for which work the university was sig-
nally commended by the Armed Forces.

In the anxious days following the entry of the United
States into the war, Dr. Gibson worked constantly, taking
his first vacation in several years, beginning July, 1944. The
last of October he became seriously ill with malignant hyper-
tension, from which he died on December 8.

Dr. Gibson is survived by his widow, Anna Vallevik
Gibson, whom he married in August of 1944, and his mother,
Mrs. Blanche Gibson, of Albuquerque.

Dr. Gibson was a member of the Kappa Sigma frater-
nity and the honor societies of Phi Kappa Phi, Sigma Xi and
Phi Beta Kappa. He was also a member of the American
Association for the Advancement of Science and the Ameri-
can Chemical Society.

JOHN D. CLARK in Science

EDWARD H. SHAFFER

Edward H. Shaffer, b. February, 1898. Served in in-
fantry in World War I. Wounded and gassed. Educated in
public schools of Kansas, his native state, and Northwestern
University. Reporter in Lima, Ohio. Came to New Mexico
in 1923, served as reporter on old Albuquerque Evening
Herald under H. B. Hening and H. P. Pickrell. In 1924
went to New Mexico State Tribune and served as reporter,
then managing editor under Carl Magee. Became editor in
1927 when the paper became the Albuquerque Tribune. Has

NECROLOGY 91

been active in civic affairs but not a joiner. Active in New
Mexico Press Association. Close personal friend of Mr. and
Mrs. Ernie Pyle and of other leading lights of the Scripps-
Howard Organization. Shaffer has done considerable writ-
ing for magazines under various names. His wife is a well
known magazine writer and editor. He had three children
who survive him.

Edward H. Shaffer, affectionately known to his scores
of close friends as "Shafe," symbolizes better than any other
individual, a period in the development of the New Mexico
press. He had wide influence as an editorial writer, was a
leader in journalistic circles, and was a close associate and
trusted counselor of many of the younger journalists and
promoters of public welfare. He died in the early prime of
a useful and promising career.

A native of Kansas, he was a disciple of the school of
journalistic thought of the late great William Allen White
whose main tenet was a profound faith in the common sense
of the common man. In twenty years, Shafe left an indelible
imprint upon New Mexico with his fine personality and his
clean, clear, and incisive thinking. Serving in the first
World War, he sustained injuries which weakened his health
up to his untimely death. His sensitive, discerning intellect
was disillusioned by his war experiences and observations,
but he was not embittered, and he refused to surrender his
high ideals.

After brief experience as a reporter in the Middle West,
he came to Albuquerque in 1923 as a reporter on the old
Herald. Soon he was working for the New Mexico State
Tribune, now the Albuquerque Tribune. In four short years
he rose through the positions of reporter and managing
editor to editor, a just recognition of his abilities. His in-
timates know that on more than one occasion he has refused
opportunities to go to better paying positions on larger
newspapers, largely because he had come to identify himself
so closely with his adopted state.

Who was Ed Shaffer, the man? Quiet, soft-spoken,
unassuming, he was a friend and neighbor, a boss and con-

92 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

fidant to be treasured. He was a family man of balance,
wisdom, and kindly sympathy. He was a community mem-
ber who could be depended upon to side always with what is
right and just, and to appreciate what is best and most
worth while. Many community honors were offered him,
but he was seldom seen in positions of obvious prominence.
It was a part of his philosophy and devotion to duty that he
could not engage prominently in causes without surrender-
ing some part of his independence and fairness.

Who was he as editor? Again, always soft-spoken,
unassuming, he was a man of unwavering courage and unal-
terable ideals. He was approachable always — anyone might
see and talk with him, and feel at ease, but he was seldom
deceived. His editorials did not thunder, but rather like
surgeon's scalpels, they cut deep and cleanly to the core of
matters. He was a master of diction, style, and logic. He
was happiest when he was identified with the underdog,
even though he knew the cause a lost one.

His very human side was well revealed in his alter ego,
Ezra Egg. The perfect foil to the serious idealist in Shaf e,
his chuckling, witty, beloved column-creature brought a
daily lift to thousands.

Least known was Shaf e the reporter, but he was always
a reporter as good newspaper men are.

Shafe was an editor's editor, and a newsman's news-
man, but he never lost his close touch with the public he
served. — P. A. F.W., JR.

EDWARD LEWIS MEDLER

Judge Edward Lewis Medler died at his home, 921
North Third Street, Albuquerque, on January 21, 1944,
after two years of illness. He was born on October 4th,
1873, in Washington, D. C., the son of Edward and Sophia
Medler. His father was a contractor and builder. Medler
attended the grade and high schools in Los Angeles, Cali-
fornia, and graduated from the Yale University Law
School with the degree LLD. cum laude, in June 1895. He
was admitted to the New Mexico Bar on July 29, 1895, and

NECROLOGY 93

associated himself with the late W. B. Childers and was
admitted to the Supreme Court of the United States Bar on
February 25, 1907. He became a member of the Texas Bar
on December 23, 1918, and the California Bar on March 11,
1929. He served as Assistant U. S. Attorney for New Mex-
ico from 1900 to 1906. Judge Medler was a member of the
law firm of Medler and Wilkerson of Albuquerque and later
of the firm of Llewellyn and Medler, Las Cruces, New Mex-
ico. Elevated to the bench of the Third Judicial District, he
presided as Judge from 1910 to 1917. In 1916 he presided as
trial judge of the Villa Raiders on Columbus, New Mexico
resulting in the conviction, sentencing and hanging of seven
of Villa's followers who had taken part in the raid during
which eighteen New Mexico citizens were killed. From
1919 to 1927 Judge Medler practiced law in El Paso, Texas,
and from 1929 to October 1933 in Los Angeles, California ;
returning from California, he opened a law office in Hot
Springs, New Mexico, in 1933. Illness compelled him to
return to his old home in Albuquerque two years ago.

Judge Medler in his early years in New Mexico was
Captain and Regimental Adjutant of the New Mexico
National Guard. From March, 1935, he served for several
years as a member of the Board of Regents of the New
Mexico College of Agricultural and Mechanic Arts. He
was a Republican and a member of the Presbyterian Church
at Las Cruces. A 32d degree Mason, he was Master in 1900
of Temple Lodge A.F.&A.M. in Albuquerque, Past Poten-
tate of Ballut Abyad Temple of the Shrine in Albuquerque
and Past Grand Master of the New Mexico Masonic Grand
Lodge.

Married to Lillian S. Thomas on October 14, 1909, at
Albuquerque who survives him, he also leaves three children :
Ensign John Thomas Medler, U.S.N.; Mrs. John (Eleanor
L.) Lorenzen of Albuquerque and David C. Medler, a medi-
cal student in California.

At the funeral on January 24, 1944, Rev. E. B. King
officiated, Temple Lodge No. 6 A.F.&A.M. having charge
of the services at the grave. The pall-bearers were : John

94 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Milne, J. A. Riehl, R, H. Hanna, Charles Lembke, G. W. Bor-
land and Reuben Perry. — P. A. F. W.

JOHN BARON BURG

Death came to John Baron Burg in a hospital at Albu-
querque on December 7, 1943. Born in Washington, D. C.,
on May 31, 1878, he was the son of Carl 0. Berg, a Civil
War veteran and educator, and Mary Pircher Burg. He
attended private sectarian schools, St. John's College,
Georgetown College where he received his A.B. and A.M.
degrees, and Georgetown University Law Department
which conferred on him the LL.B. and LL.M. degrees. Burg
was a page in the House of Representatives of the 49th
U. S. Congress, a committee clerk in the U. S. Senate of the
54th Congress and law clerk in the Post-Office Department
1902 to 1907. Admitted to the Bar of the District of Colum-
bia on December 17, 1898, he practiced in Washington, D. C.,
before coming to Albuquerque in 1906, being admitted to
the Bar of the Second Judicial District Court of the Terri-
tory of New Mexico on April 6, 1909, and that^of the Terri-
torial Supreme Court on January 5, 1910.

Burg served as probate judge of Bernalillo County and
was a member of the lower house of the first state legislature
of New Mexico. During the 1920's he was U. S. Commis-
sioner and in 1936 was elected district attorney of the Sev-
enth Judicial District, consisting of the counties of Valen-
cia, Catron, Sierra and Socorro, with headquarters at Los
Lunas. Upon completion of his term in 1941, he returned to
the practice of law in Albuquerque, where he also served as
a member of the board of directors of the Middle Rio Grande
Conservancy District.

Burg was interested in real estate and corporate enter-
prises, having developed several sub-divisions in Albu-
querque, and having been president of the El Dorado Invest-
ment Co., the Las Huertas Gold Mines Co., the Valle Grande
Corporation, and the Title Guarantee and Trust Corpora-
tion. Although he volunteered for the Spanish-American
War and for World War No. 1, he saw no active service. He
was a member of the Knights of Pythias.

NECROLOGY 95

Burg is survived by his wife, Dolores Otero, daughter of
the late Mariano S. and Filomena Otero Perea Otero, thus
having been connected by marriage with two prominent
New Mexico pioneer families. A brother, Joseph Paul Burg
of Washington, D. C., also survives.

The funeral took place at Albuquerque on Wednesday,
December 8, 1943. Mass was said in the Church of the Im-
maculate Conception by Rev. D. P. Callaghan. Burial was
in Santa Barbara Cemetery. — P. A. F.W.

JOSEPH BARNEY ATKESON

The first attorney to locate in Artesia, New Mexico,
Joseph B. Atkeson died on Friday, September 15, 1944, at
his home, 303 West Grand Street, succumbing to a heart
attack he had suffered two weeks previously, although he
had been up and about and was resting on a couch when he
passed away peacefully.

Atkeson was born in Maniteau County, Missouri, on
September 29, 1859, and therefore would have been 85 years
of age fourteen days after his death. In 1880 he took up his
residence in Warburn, Texas, where he married Wilhelmina
D. Lehmann Leslie in March 1893, who survives him, to-
gether with a son, Lloyd T. Atkeson of Corpus Christi,
Texas, and a brother, William T. Atkeson of Fortuna,
Missouri.

Atkeson was admitted to the Texas Bar in 1892. In
1904, he took up his residence in Artesia where he opened
a law office, practicing first on temporary license granted
by Territorial District Judge William H. Pope in February,
1904. He was formally admitted by the Territorial Supreme
Court on January 6, 1909.

Funeral services were held in the First Christian
Church of Artesia by the pastor, Rev. Kenneth Hess, on
Sunday afternoon, September 17. Active pall bearers were
C. 0. Brown, Britton Coll, B. E. Spencer, Albert Richards,
Stanley Blocker and Kenneth Wagner. Honorary pall
bearers, most of them pioneer residents of Artesia were
Albert Blake, J. W. Bradshaw, Judge G. U. McCrary, I. S.

96 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Reser, Jefferson Hightower, Dr. H. A. Stroup, S. W. Gilbert,
A. B. Coll, C. E. Mann, Rex Wheatley, R. L. Paris and W. E
Kee. Burial was in Woodbine Cemetery, Artesia.

P. A. F. W.
R. E. ROWELLS

Judge R. E. Rowells died at his home in Clovis after
an eventful career during which he served as city attorney
of Clovis, the first probate judge of Curry County, assist-
ant district attorney and a member of the Clovis City Com-
mission. He was born on a farm near Waupun, Wisconsin,
on January 9, 1867, the son of Luke and Margaret Rowells
and had therefore attained the age of 77 years. He was
married three times, the first marriage being to Mary
Drewry at Lewisville, Arkansas, 1897, who died in 1908. The
second marriage was to Mrs. Nannie E. Long in September,
1910, at Amarillo, Texas, who died in 1921. The third and
surviving wife was Mrs. Amy Parker Britt, the mar-
riage taking place June 10, 1931. He was successively ad-
mitted to the Bars of Arkansas, Indian Territory, Oklahoma
and New Mexico, to the last named on January 8, 1908. A
graduate of the Illinois College of Law in Chicago, his first
practice was in Hugo, Oklahoma. He came to Clovis in
1907 and was first associated with W. A. Havener, then with
George L. Reese, Sr., and C. Thurston Maltby. He was State
Lecturer of the Modern Woodmen for several years and
member of the Odd Fellows, Knights of Pythias and of
Clovis Lodge No. 40, A.F.&.A.M.— P. A. F. W.

REVIEWS AND NOTES

A Tentative Guide to Historical Materials on the Spanish
Borderlands. By Francis Borgia Steck, O.F.M. (Catholic
Historical Society of Philadelphia, 1943; 106 pp. $3.00.)

Dr. Steck has himself long been interested in the his-
tory of the "Spanish Borderlands" — those parts of the pres-
ent United States from Florida to California which were for
so long under the Spanish crown ; and of recent years he has
been aware of the manifold and growing interest in this
field on the part of "teachers, students, writers, lecturers,
and librarians." A guide to the widely scattered materials
seemed called for, especially in our periodical literature, and
this modest volume is the result.

The list of periodicals from which he has drawn the
materials for this guide (pp. 7-9) includes not only all of
those in our own country which we should expect to find, but
it includes also periodicals from Italy, Germany, Spain, Can-
ada, Mexico, and Argentina. The titles listed are grouped
in seven sections: general and comprehensive; discovery
and exploration (1513-61) ; Florida (1561-1819) ; Louisiana
(1763-1803) ; Texas (1689-1836) ; New Mexico and Ari-
zona (1581-1846) ; and California (1769-1846).

Most, but not all, of the titles are accompanied by in-
formative comments in fine print, usually authoritative and
excellent but some of them need revision.

In some cases an important title which seemed to be
omitted from the Guide has been found in a different sec-
tion. The "break-down" of the Guide into sections is help-
ful, but it would seem to call for an indexing of the Guide as
a whole. Possibly Dr. Steck will add this in a later revised
edition. — L. B. B.

A Guide to Materials Bearing on Cultural Relations in New
Mexico. Compiled by Lyle Saunders. (University of New
Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1944; xvi+ 528 pp.; author and
subject indices. $4.00.)

Here is one of those books which place the reviewer in
a dilemma. Shall he dismiss it with a few discreet plati-

97

98 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

tudes, or shall he go into some of the adverse criticism which
seems called for ? For the benefit of those readers who want
a real review, we feel that it is necessary to include some of
the latter.

The original idea for such a guide, credited to Prof.
Paul Walter, Jr., of the University of New Mexico, was
certainly admirable; and the analysis of benefits which
might derive from such a project — as portrayed in the In-
troduction by Dr. Joaquin Ortega, head of the School of
Inter- American Affairs — is intriguing and stimulating. The
compilation itself, running to a total of 5,335 titles, is
impressive, indeed rather overwhelming; and in our own
case we are glad to say that we have already noted various
leads which it will doubtless be well worth while to follow
up. An excellent feature of the Guide is the provision of two
indices (by author and by subject), a feature which is
usually missing in books of this kind.

Our adverse, or may we say constructive, criticisms
are three in number. In the first place, as we scanned
through the book an immediate impression was one of being
appalled at the complete absence of necessary accents. Turn-
ing back to Mr. Saunders' Preface (p. xv) , we find his ex-
planation offered that, in the "interest of simplicity" accents
on "foreign" words, with the single exception of the tilde,
have been uniformly omitted. As to the tilde, the names
"Dona Ana" and "Zuni" appear throughout the Guide some
thousands of times and in no single case is there a tilde. As
to the accent, it would be interesting to know what Mr. Saun-
ders means by "foreign." If he so indicates, as he must,
words of Spanish origin, he has unconsciously revealed an
Anglo bias which is unfortunate. English has been the
official language in New Mexico for less than a hundred
years ; Spanish has been here for over four hundred years —
and, of course, the Indian languages still longer. To think
of them as "foreign" is absurd, and it is a real disservice
to anyone turning to this Guide not to have necessary accents
properly shown. Such omissions run into the thousands.

Again, the compiler states (p. xi) that "This is not a

REVIEWS AND NOTES 99

complete bibliography of New Mexico." Well, it is scarcely
a bibliography at all, except in the most elementary sense of
being a listing of materials ; certainly it is not such a "criti-
cal bibliography" as that visualized by Dr. Ortega (p. v),
furnishing "authoritative knowledge of the work that has
been done before." There has been no evaluating whatever
of any of these more than 5,000 titles — unless we so regard
the work which has been done on the section of "Selected
Titles" (pp. 97-123) with the accompanying "Dictionary-
Guide" (pp. 1-96) . But even here, the comments supplied
with each of the 263 titles selected are purely descriptive and
in few cases do they have the semblance of critical estimates.
In all the supplementary lists, the great majority of the titles
lack even such descriptive comments. With commendable
and engaging frankness Mr. Saunders acknowledges (p.
xv ) the assistance he has received from numerous individ-
uals and institutions, and confesses that he has "pilfered
freely" from the lists of other bibliographers.

It would be utterly unreasonable to expect Mr. Saunders
himself to supply a critical appraisal of any large part of
such an enormous mass of material ; indeed, he seems to be
personally unacquainted with most of it except by title.
Apparently he has included in his list everything — good, bad,
and indifferent — which has been card-indexed during his
years of research on this project. Countless numbers of
these titles have been the subject of critical review by
students who have been qualified to appraise them, but in
not a single case have we noted such an authority quoted or
even cited. Book reviews seem to have been wholly ignored
by the compiler and his assistants. An example in point is
title No. 2433. This book, replete with errors and mistrans-
lations, was the subject of at least three adverse reviews;
also Miss Bailey stands charged with having appropriated
without credit the written work of another student in the
same field. (J. M. Espinosa, Crusaders of the Rio Grande,
p. xix, note) . Perhaps it is best to include in the Guide even
a book of this kind, but if so, the reader has a right to be
informed of its character. Formal book reviews constitute

100 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

an important part of Southwestern bibliography, but it
seems to have been entirely disregarded by Mr. Saunders
and his assistants.

Wholly disregarded also in this Guide is the biblio-
graphical material which appears in the form of editorial
discussions, notes, communications, — in scientific periodi-
cals, but sometimes also in popular magazines and news-
papers. Often important historical facts are presented in
what we might call such "informal reviews." For example,
Dr. Carl O. Sauer (title 2624) argues that Fray Marcos de
Niza could not possibly have made his journey to Cibola and
back within the time limits alleged. In the same issue of this
quarterly, in the pages immediately following Dr. Sauer's
paper, we pointed out in an editorial that Dr. Sauer's con-
clusion was invalid because it rested on erroneous premises
which he and others had drawn from the basic source mate-
rials. The editorial was shown in the "Contents," it was
indexed, — but it nowhere appears in the Guide.

Disregarded in at least one case also have been those
who, anyone would suppose, might have given helpful infor-
mation in an intelligent listing of materials in the Guide.
The Coronado Library at the University of New Mexico has
on its shelves some hundreds of volumes of photostat mate-
rial, gathered chiefly from the archives in Spain, Mexico,
and at Santa Fe. There is no more important body of source
material in the whole field of Southwestern Americana;
most of the facsimiles have been on the shelves for the last
four years ; and the three men chiefly responsible for plac-
ing them there (Dr. France V. Scholes, Dean George P.
Hammond, and the writer) have all been Mr. Saunders'
colleagues on the campus. At no time during these years
has anyone of us been consulted by Mr. Saunders ; nor is it
apparent that he has even looked inside one of the volumes —
otherwise, he would have found explanatory forewords, some
made when the documents were being photographed and
others when they were being arranged for binding. In-
stead, he seems to have depended solely on the library acces-
sion records and the result may be seen in the Guide on pages
448-450. Que barbaridad!

REVIEWS AND NOTES 101

Our third criticism is of much less importance. A serial
numbering of titles, consecutive throughout the entire
Guide, doubtless seemed to Mr. Saunders imperative — espe-
cially to make brief references possible in the two indices.
Unfortunately, this makes the Guide inflexible, and as one
result we have nearly 500 titles under Addenda (pp. 437-
470) , assembled during the last three years and which could
not be distributed in their proper sections because of the
numbering, — and because "the first parts of the manu-
script were [already] printed" (p. xiv) ! Will future addi-
tions necessitate still more addenda?

Too many students think, as does the compiler (p. xv) ,
that "complete bibliographical information" consists of the
name of author, title, date and place of publication. A work
so constituted is nothing more than a "list of sources." That
is exactly what this book is and, intentionally or otherwise,
it is well expressed in the title which Mr. Saunders selected
for his compilation. There are many and serious omissions,
especially in the field of historical sources ; and we are left
in some doubt as to how complete the listing has been even
in those sources which have been used. Yet Mr. Saunders'
compilation is impressive in amount, and doubtless many
students will get real help from it. — L. B. B.

Racial Prehistory in the Southwest and the Hawikuh Zunis.
By Carl C. Seltzer. (Papers of the Peabody Museum of
American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University,
Volume XXIII, No. 1, 1944; vii+37 pp. $0.75.)

This paper is something of a landmark in our under-
standing of the prehistory of the Southwest.

The remains from Hawikuh (the first of the Zuni
pueblos reached by Coronado) , as one of the largest skeletal
collections from the Southwest, provide an excellent basis
for analysis of racial relations. The remains date from the
earliest Spanish period but can be presumed to be free of
Caucasian elements. The impressive circumstance is that
Seltzer shows the early Zuni skull and face form to be
identical, in all essential respects, not only with other Pueblo

102 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

skulls from over the whole Southwestern plateau — remains
dating variously from the 10th to 16th centuries — but with
those from still earlier type-sites of Basket Maker culture
levels in southern Utah and northeastern Arizona. On these
grounds he justifiably views all the material as representa-
tive of a single sub-racial type, "Southwestern Plateau
Indians," which occupied the area continuously from earliest
times to the present, presenting only minor variations from
group to group. The only groups standing apart are those
of the upper Rio Grande. While the majority of skulls from
Pecos burials, e.g., are of "Southwestern Plateau" type,
there are some differences here, attributable perhaps to
influences from the Plains or non-Pueblo tribes of the
Southwest.

The importance of Seltzer's conclusion lies in the cor-
rection of a traditional error regarding the peopling of the
Southwestern plateau. It has been traditional that the early
Basket Makers were a long, narrow skulled (dolicocephalic)
people, supplanted by round-headed (brachycephalic) in-
vaders with Pueblo culture. The justification for this anti-
thesis lay in two points: the first finds of Basket Makers
were indeed notably long-headed and later finds of more
broad-headed Basket Makers were ignored ; again, as T. D.
Stewart long ago pointed out, the commonly occurring flat-
tening of backs of Pueblo skulls gave a specious appearance
of relative breadth which they did not actually have. The
fact is that the norm for both groups is moderate breadth
of head (mesocephaly) , with perhaps a slight shift toward
greater round-headedness in the later population ; but what
should be underscored is that all other morphological charac-
teristics of face and skull are alike in the two groups.

The view that there was a sharp break between Basket
Maker and Pueblo cultures was abandoned some decades
ago: we know, rather, that the latter developed out of the
former by gradual transition. As a result of Seltzer's
investigation we can now phrase the prehistoric picture as
one of continued occupation of the area by a single relative-
ly stable sub-racial type who gradually developed cultures

REVIEWS AND NOTES 103

from simple Basket Maker beginnings to complex Pueblo
forms. LESLIE SPIER

Navaho Witchcraft. By Clyde Kluckhohn. (Papers of the
Peabody Museum of American Archaeology, Harvard Uni-
versity, vol. XXII, no. 2, Cambridge, 1944; pp. x-f-149.
$2.25.)

This monograph represents many years of work by
Mr. Kluckhohn in collecting field notes on Navaho folk
belief in witchcraft current during the past twenty years.
Part I and the Appendices contain the data, and in Part II
he makes "certain inferences and interpretations as to the
dynamics of Navaho social organization."

The Navaho belief in witchcraft affords an outlet for
certain emotions in the individual and thereby serves a
useful social function; on the other hand it has a reverse
effect of inhibiting normal social activities through fear and
so is bad.

Mr. Kluckhohn does not publish this study as being
definitive, but it is an excellent and important piece of
work. If scientific studies had been the basis of the white
man's management of Indians, the story of the redman
might have run a different and better course.

FRANK D. REEVE

Plateau, the interesting little quarterly published by the
Northern Arizona Society of Science and Art, at Flagstaff,
often carries articles which are related in one way or an-
other to Southwestern history. In volume 17, no. 2 (Oct.,
1944), pp. 27-40, is a study by the well known ethnologist
of the Smithsonian Institution, John P. Harrington (who,
we might say, cut his eye-teeth at the Museum of New
Mexico) on the subject "Indian words in Southwest Spanish,
exclusive of proper nouns." Which reminds us (and possibly
him) that some ten years ago he promised a paper to this
quarterly on words of Arabic origin in Southwestern Span-
ish— which has never materialized.

In the current issue of Plateau (January, 1945), at
page 54 is a short contribution by Erik K. Reed on "The

104 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Dinetxa tradition and pre-Spanish Navajo distribution."
He suggests that this long-accepted tradition may actually
trace to the "numerous Pueblo refugees [who] joined the
Navajo at the end of the seventeenth century." If this
should be true, then he concludes that the question "of
Navajo entrance into the Southwest and pre-Spanish Navajo
distribution in the Southwest is left wide open." — L.B.B.

"Bibliografia de historia de America (1941-1944)," in Re-
vista de historia de America, No. 17 (junio de 1944), pp.
161-266.

Although it is wholly in Spanish, we feel constrained to
call the attention of our readers to this publication of the
Instituto Panamericano de Geografia e Historia (Mexico,
D. F.) Under the very able direction of Dr. Silvio Zavala,
the Revista holds high rank among publications of this kind.
Not least in value and importance is the bibliographical
section which, in each issue, keeps its readers informed as
to current historical publications in all parts of America —
from Canada to Argentina and Chile; and (in this country)
from Maine to California. And occasionally citations are
from Spain and other European countries. The Instituto
has built up a remarkable range of exchanges (pp. 261-6),
and evidently is on the regular mailing-list of all important
publishers also. The bibliographical notes, prepared and
initialed by Dr. Zavala and his colleagues, will compare most
favorably with those in any similar publication.

This issue carries also three notable articles: one by
Jose Miranda on "Notas sobre la introduction de la Mesta
en la Nueva Espana," one by Pablo Gonzalez Casanova on
"Aspectos politicos de [Juan de] Palafox y Mendoza," and
a third by Millares Carlo and Mantecon on "El archive de
notarias del Departamento del Distrito Federal (Mexico,
D. F.)." There is also an appreciative obituary on the late
Dr. Herbert I. Priestley of Berkeley; and there are forty
pages of excellent book reviews — a section which supple-
ments admirably the similar sections which we have in our
publications in the United States. — L.B.B.

REVIEWS AND NOTES 105

The Americas, "a quarterly review of inter-American cul-
tural history," was inaugurated last year by the new
Academy of American Franciscan History — which itself
was formally opened in Washington last April. The first
two issues (July and October, 1944) have carried a total
of 257 pages, comprising a total of fourteen contributed
articles, a number of early documents edited (three by
France V. Scholes), an interesting section called "Inter-
American Notes," and a considerable number of book re-
views. A number of the articles are more or less directly
connected with the history of our Southwest, and its Span-
ish and Mexican background: "Spain's investment in New
Mexico under the Hapsburgs" (L.B.B.) ; "Our debt to the
Franciscan missionaries of New Mexico" (J. Manuel Espi-
nosa) ; "The Franciscan provinces of Spanish North Amer-
ica" (Marion Habig) ; "A reconsideration of Spanish colonial
culture" (John T. Lanning). Altogether, the new quarterly
has gotten off to an auspicious start and the managing
editor, Dr. Roderick Wheeler, and his immediate associates
are to be congratulated. — L.B.B.

SOUTHWEST JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGY
A new periodical devoted to general anthropology, the
Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, is soon to be issued
by the University of New Mexico and the Laboratory of
Anthropology as a joint publication. While designed pri-
marily to provide another outlet for anthropological papers
in the field at large, some specialization on the Southwest
is contemplated. An effort is being made to secure papers
on the native cultures of the area (Indian and Hispanic)
which should be of some interest to historians. Historians
are invited to participate with papers having some anthro-
pological bearing. Contributions should be addressed to the
editor, Dr. Leslie Spier, University of New Mexico.

The Southwestern Journal of Anthropology will appear
as an annual volume of 400-600 pages, in quarterly issues.
The first number is planned for early 1945. Subscriptions,
at $4.00 a year, should be addressed to the University of
New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.

EDITORIAL SECTION

Recently it was suggested that our quarterly ought to
have a "Lion's Den." Some of our readers doubtless are
acquainted with this department which the late Charles F.
Lummis maintained so characteristically (and effectively!)
in his magazine Out West. Far be it from us to emulate
such a polemicist as Lummis, but we will confess that oc-
casionally we feel like growling — and here we submit what
may be regarded as three "growls."

What is "The Southwest"? In the form of a reprint from
the Huntington Library Quarterly of August 1944, there
lately came to our desk an address by Dr. Robert G. Cleland,
"Westward the Course of Empire." The address was deliv-
ered on Founder's Day at the Huntington, Feb. 18, 1944,
and seems to have been occasioned by a grant of $50,000
which had lately been made to them by the Rockefeller
Foundation of New York to undertake "a regional study
of the Southwest." And Dr. Cleland stated, "The study so
generously financed by the Rockefeller Foundation is con-
cerned with the western reaches of the great stream of race,
culture, and institutions that crossed the Atlantic and
flowed across the continent; it is also concerned with the
important tributaries that enter the main stream, usually
to enrich, sometimes to muddy and discolor, and always to
modify the waters of that great stream."

After studying the argument of this address, we have
come to the conclusion that the name for this Huntington
project is a misnomer, and that neither those who arranged
for it with the Rockefeller nor Dr. Cleland in this address
have a clear-cut concept of what the Southwest really is.
They expect the study provided for under this project to
"carry out the expressed desire and purpose of the founder"
(Mr. Huntington) who "believed in the British- American
tradition."

Is "the Southwest" a distinctive region of our country,
and if so, what are the qualities or factors which make it
distinctive? In our opinion there are three such factors.

106

EDITORIAL SECTION 107

(1) It is the region where, because of geographical and
climactic conditions, irrigation is necessary to any success-
ful use of the soil. It is the semi-arid part of our country,
if you will. (2) It is the region where the early Spaniards
found one of the few sedentary peoples of the new world —
the Pueblo Indians. (3) It is that part of our country where
the Spaniards left most profoundly the way of life, the
culture, which they brought with them. "The Southwest"
so conceived has, of course no sharply drawn boundaries;
but we may say that where the above three factors are all
present, we have the heart of the Southwest — but the re-
gional character is strongly manifest in those areas where
only two of the above three factors are found. In other
words, we think of it as extending from at least the Brazos
valley of eastern Texas westward to include southern Cali-
fornia. So defined, the "Southwest" would seem to be as
distinctively a "region" as is New England or the Old
South.— L.B.B.

Travel, for December 1944, carries an illustrated article by
Earle R. Forrest on "New Mexico's Stone Autograph Al-
bum"— in other words, El Morro, better known as Inscrip-
tion Rock. The article is of the kind which has strong
popular appeal, but to any informed reader it is exasperat-
ing because of some "threshing of old straw," and numerous
mistranslations and misreadings of dates, even of those
inscriptions which are shown by the illustrations. A better
photograph of the Onate inscription would show correctly
that the year was 1605, not 1606 (an error which goes back
to R. H. Kern in 1849) ; also Onate was returning from his
journey to the South Sea. The inscription of 1620 (the
misreading as 1629 was pointed out some years ago) identi-
fies it with the governor Don Juan de Eulate — not with
"Zotylo" as Mr. Forrest seems to think. He repeatedly
misreads the Spanish "5" for "9" ; and with a little research
he might have found a more satisfactory translation of the
Silva Nieto inscription. But why should a popular writer

108 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

go to the trouble of having his information correct, if he
can "get by" without that bother? — L.B.B.

What is Santa Fe's name historically ? During the last few
years, one and another have been representing that the
complete name of Santa Fe, originally, was "La Villa Real
de la Santa Fe de San Francisco de Assisi" (or some slight
variant thereof) . So far as we know, this form of the name
originated in the fertile imagination of Col. Ralph E.
Twitchell who (Leading Facts of New Mexican History, I,
334, note 337) makes the categorical statement that "the
original and full name of New Mexico's capital is Villa Real
de Santa Fe de San Francisco." With the added phrase "de
Assisi" this name appears, e.g., in the bulletin of our His-
torical Society, Old Santa Fe and Vicinity.

We challenge anyone to produce evidence justifying the
above f drm of the name. In the course of nearly forty years
we have become fairly well acquainted with the source
materials of this region, and in no case do we recall ever
to have seen the name other than a simple "Santa Fe," or
"la Villa de Santa Fe," or (rarely) "la Villa Real de Santa
Fe." There is dignity in a name which in English, means
"The City of Holy Faith." It would be well for us to safe-
guard the simple dignity of that name. — L.B.B.

The Historical Society of New Mexico

(INCORPORATED)
Organized December 26, 1859

PAST PRESIDENTS

1859 — COL. JOHN B. GRAYSON, U. S. A.
1861 — MAJ. JAMES L. DONALDSON, U. S. A.
1863 — HON. KIRBY BENEDICT

adjourned sine die, Sept. 23, 1863
re-established Dec. £7, 1880

1881 — HON. WILLIAM G. RITCH
1883 — HON. L. BRADFORD PRINCE
1923 — HON. FRANK W. CLANCY

1925 — COL. RALPH E. TWITCHELL

1926 — PAUL A. F. WALTER

OFFICERS FOR 1944-1945

PAUL A. F. WALTER, President

PEARCE C. RODEY, V ice-President

LANSING B. BLOOM, Corresponding Secretary
WAYNE L. MAUZY, Treasurer

Miss HESTER JONES, Recording Secretary

FELLOWS

PERCY M. BALDWIN EDGAR L. HEWETT

RALPH P. BIEBER FREDERICK W. HODGE

LANSING B. BLOOM J. LLOYD MECHAM

HERBERT E. BOLTON THEODOSIUS MEYER, 0. F. M.

MARION DARGAN FRANK D. REEVE

AURELIO M. ESPINOSA . FRANCE V. SCHOLES

CHARLES W. HACKETT ALFRED B. THOMAS

GEORGE P. HAMMOND PAUL A. F. WALTER

CONSTITUTION

OP THE

HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF NEW MEXICO
(As amended Nov. 25, 1941)

Article 1. Name. This Society shall be called the Historical Society
of New Mexico.

Article 2. Objects and Operation. The objects of the Society shall
be, in general, the promotion of historical studies; and in particular,
the discovery, collection, preservation, and publication of historical
material especially such as relates to New Mexico.

Article 3. Membership. The Society shall consist of Members, Fel-
lows, Life Members and Honorary Life Members.

(a) Members. Persons recommended by the Executive Council
and elected by the Society may become members.

(b) Fellows. Members who show, by published work, special
aptitude for historical investigation may become Fellows. Immedi-
ately following the adoption of this Constitution, the Executive
Council shall elect five Fellows, and the body thus created may there-
after elect additional Fellows on the nomination of the Executive
Council. The number of Fellows shall never exceed twenty-five.

(c) Life Members. In addition to life members of the Historical
Society of New Mexico at the date of the adoption hereof, such other
benefactors of the Society as shall pay into its treasury at one time
the sums of fifty dollars, or shall present to the Society an equivalent
in books, manuscripts, portraits, or other acceptable material of an
historic nature, may upon recommendation by the Executive Council
and election by the Society, be classed as Life Members.

(d) Honorary Life Members. Persons who have rendered emi-
nent service to New Mexico and others who have, by published work,
contributed to the historical literature of New Mexico or the South-
west, may become Honorary Life Members upon being recommended
by the Executive Council and elected by the Society.

Article 4. Officers. The elective officers of the Society shall be a
president, a vice-president, a corresponding secretary, a treasurer, and
a recording secretary; and these five officers shall constitute the
Executive Council with full administrative powers.

Officers shall qualify on January 1st following their election, and
shall hold office for the term of two years and until their successors
shall have been elected and qualified.

Article 5. Elections. At the October meeting of each odd-numbered
year, a nominating committee shall be named by the president of the
Society and such committee shall make its report to the Society at
the November meeting. Nominations may be made from the floor
and the Society shall, in open meeting, proceed to elect its officers by
ballot, those nominees receiving a majority of the votes cast for the
respective offices to be declared elected.

Article 6. Dues. Dues shall be $3.00 for each calendar year, and
shall entitle members to receive bulletins as published and also the
Historical Review.

Article 7. Publications. All publications of the Society and the selec-
tion and editing of matter for publication shall be under the direction
and control of the Executive Council.

Article 8. Meetings. Monthly meetings of the Society shall be held
at the rooms of the Society on the third Tuesday of each month at
eight P. M. The Executive Council shall meet at any time upon call
of the President or of three of its members.

Article 9. Quorums. Seven members of the Society and three mem-
bers of the Executive Council, shall constitute quorums.

Article 10. Amendments. Amendments to this constitution shall be-
come operative after being recommended by the Executive Council
and approved by two-thirds of the members present and voting at
any regular monthly meeting; provided, that notice of the proposed
amendments shall have been given at a regular meeting of the Society,
at least four weeks prior to the meeting when such proposed amend-
ment is passed upon by the Society.

Students and friends of Southwestern History are cordially in-
vited to become members. Applications should be addressed to the
corresponding secretary, Lansing B. Bloom, University of New Mexico,
Albuquerque, New Mexico.

**<isa* City, M*

Historical IZgvi

PALACE OF THE GOVERNORS, SANTA

April, 1945

LANSING B. BLOOM

PERCY M. BALDWIN
FRANK T. CHEETHAM

Editors
Associates

PAUL A. F. WALTER

GEORGE P. HAMMOND
THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M.
FRANCE V. SCHOLES

VOL. XX

APRIL, 1945

No. 2

CONTENTS

Page
. Frontispiece

John R. McFie, Jr

History of the Albuquerque Indian School Lillie G. McKinney 109

The Use of Saddles by American Indians . . D. E. Worcester 139

From Lewisburg to California in 1849 (cont'd) (ed.) L. B. B. 144

Necrology:

Ruth Hanna Simms .
John R. McFie, Jr. .

Notes and Comments :

La Villa de Santa Fe .
Grollet, Grole, Grule, Gurule .

. P.A.F.W. 181

. P.A.F.W. 184

. L. B. B. 187

L. B. B. 187

The NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the Historical
Society of New Mexico and the University of New Mexico. Subscription to the
quarterly is $3.00 a year in advance; single numbers, except those which have
become scarce, are $1.00 each.

Business communications should be addressed to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State
Museum, Santa Fe, N. M. ; manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be
addressed to Prof. L. B. Bloom, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M.

Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico
UNIVERSITY PRESS, ALBUQUERQUE, N. M.

A V

JOHN R. McFiE, JR.

(Necrology, p. 184)

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW

VOL. XX APRIL, 1945 No. 2

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL*
By LILLIE G. McKiNNEY

INTRODUCTION

THE civilization of the American Indian has been slow,
difficult, and expensive for our government. Different
administrations have tried different policies. Usually some
method of force was used down to 1876. Force meant the
final extinction of the race. About the only education that
filtered in among the savages was the result of the labors
of heroic missionaries who established schools among them
from 1819-1876 subsidized by meagre sums from the gov-
ernment.

The greatest pioneer missionary among the Indians
of the Rocky Mountain area was Sheldon Jackson of the
Northern Presbyterian Church from 1838 to 1909. He has
been called the "pathfinder and prospector of the mission-
ary vanguard."1 By personal appeals to wealthy churches
and individuals in the east he supplemented the small sums
allowed by the government in educating Indian youths. In
1869 he became superintendent of missions under his
church. From this time until 1876 he was actively engaged
in establishing mission schools in all the Western territories,
especially in Colorado, Wyoming, Montana, Utah, Arizona,
and New Mexico.

In 1876, under President Grant, the new policy of edu-
cating Indians under strict government control was much

*Accepted at the University of New Mexico in 1934 in partial fulfillment of re-
quirements for the M. A. degree.

1. The Pageant of America, V. 1, p. 252.

109

110 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

more successful than his "peace policy" (forcing them to
live on reservations and securing peace by feeding them) .

In 1887, under President Cleveland, the Dawes Act was
passed which provided individual ownership of lands and
citizenship for such holders. In addition a liberal provision
was made for educating Indian youths on reservations, and
the appointment of more agents to protect them against
the injustice of the white man. This was a generous and
humane policy toward the Indians. It may well be called
the Indian Bill of Rights. This policy has been followed by
succeeding administrations and has proved fairly success-
ful.

Hence, the Albuquerque Indian School is greatly in-
debted to the Presbyterian missionaries, to the liberal poli-
cies of the government, and to the public spiritedness of
the citizens of Albuquerque for their donation of the present
school site.

CHAPTER I

INCEPTION AS A CONTRACT SCHOOL (1878-1886)

As early as 1878, Major B. M. Thomas, United States
Indian agent of the Pueblo agency at Santa Fe, proposed
the establishing of a central boarding school.1 On April
24, 1879, the office of Indian affairs instructed Major Thom-
as to find a site for such a boarding school on the public
domain. On June 19, he reported that a survey would have
to be made. By September 25, authority came to incur the
expense of the survey as well as to advertise for proposals
for the erection of a school building. Shortly thereafter
the secretary of the interior reported to the president,
November 15, 1879, that

the establishment of boarding schools on the
reservations for elementary and industrial in-
struction has therefore been found necessary, and
as far as the means appropriated for educational
purposes permit, this system is being introduced.2

On December 13, an offer of twenty acres about three

1. 52 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 885, (1892).

2. 46 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, I, 10-11, (1879).

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 111

miles from Albuquerque was made to the government on
condition that the school should be a Catholic school under
the immediate management of the archbishop of the terri-
tory. This was declined because the tract of land offered
was too small and because of the restrictions imposed.3 The
following February 19, 1880,4 Major Thomas reported that
he could find no unoccupied land. However, he submitted
a proposition that called for the leasing of 160 acres in
the northwest corner of the pueblo of San Felipe from
their officers for a period of ninety-nine years. This prop-
osition was rejected. Major Thomas then suggested to the
people of Albuquerque that if a suitable location near the
city were donated to the government for the purpose, an
Indian training school would be established. Steps were
taken to secure the necessary land. By February 7, 1881,
Agent Thomas reported that the citizens of Albuquerque,
after nearly completing a purchase of land for the school,
had abandoned the enterprise. Major Thomas believed that
only two plans remained: first, to purchase a good place
on the Rio Grande where water was plentiful for irrigation ;
or second, to reserve necessary land near Santa Fe where
irrigation and farming could never be developed.

Meanwhile, missionaries of the Presbyterian church
learned that the Albuquerque board of trade was interested
in the establishment of an Indian training school at Albu-
querque. On August 5, 1880, the Reverend Sheldon Jackson,
superintendent of mission schools in the Territories, for
the Presbyterian board of home missions, reported that the
Board of Trade of Albuquerque would probably offer a
location for a Pueblo boarding school.5 Since the secretary
of the interior had, a year previous, authorized the estab-
lishment of such a school and since the Presbyterian
missionaries desired to direct such a school, the Reverend
Sheldon Jackson offered to contract with the department to

3. 52 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 885-6, (1892).

4. Perry, Reuben, Historical Sketch, p. 1, (1914) unpublished. Found in the
office files of the Albuquerque Indian School, Albuquerque, New Mexico.

5. Letter of Reuben Perry to O. H. Lipps, commissioner of Indian Affairs — A
partial list of the donors of the school site was: Franz Huning, F. H. Kent, W. C.
Hazeltine, Albert Grunsfeld, E. S. Stover, W. B. Childers, A. M. Coddington, San-
tiago Baca, Mariano Armijo, L. S. Trimble, Perfecto Armijo, and Juan Armijo.

112 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

start one in the fall and carry it on until the government
was ready to operate it. This offer was accepted, and a few
months later a contract boarding school was opened by the
Presbyterians in rented buildings.6

The previous October, 1880, Franz Huning had offered
to donate forty acres about ten miles south of Albuquerque,
but this offer was rejected on account of severe winds and
sandstorms and the lack of improvements. Next, Mr.
Huning proposed to sell for $4,500 an improved tract about
five miles from Albuquerque, but this offer was not accepted
because the Indian office had no funds. Then, on March 7,
1881, Major Thomas telegraphed that the town of Albu-
querque had offered a donation of land, and asked if he
should accept forty or sixty acres on condition that the
government put up an Indian training school. The Indian
office replied "that the acceptance of the offer did not seem
expedient."7

In 1882, the principal of the contract school8 reported
that the citizens of Albuquerque had purchased an excellent
tract of land in Bernalillo county for $4,500 well located,
and one-fourth under cultivation, to be donated to the
United States government as a site for an Indian training
school.9 This offer was accepted.

This deed was approved by the attorney gen-
eral, September 19, 1882, and was recorded in the
Bernalillo county, N. Mex., October 13, 1884.10

An adverse claim to a portion of said land

6. 52 Cong.. 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 885, (1892).

7. 52 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 886, (1892).

8. Those religious schools that contracted with the government to maintain and
educate a specified number of Indian children were called contract schools.

9. 52 Cong.. 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 886, (1892).

"Beginning at a stake at the northwest corner of the lands formerly owned by
John H. McMinn, thence N. 4° 53' W. 731.7 feet to a stake at the northwest corner
of the land hereby conveyed; thence N. 84°52' E. 2,320.7 feet to a stake at the
northeast corner hereby conveyed ; thence S. 3°45' E. 720.4 feet to a stake, thence
S. 7°30' W. 793 feet to a stake at the southeast corner of the land hereby conveyed;
thence N. 85°50' W. 184.6 feet to a stake; thence N. 87°42' W. 615 feet to a stake;
thence N. 81°52' W. 203 feet to a stake; thence N. 78°44' W. 224 feet to a stake;
thence N. 73°19' W. 176.4 feet to a stake; thence N. 70°14' W. 234 feet to a stake;
thence N. 78°38' W. 567.7 feet to a stake at the southwest corner of the land hereby
conveyed; thence N. 6°8' W. 234.4 feet to the point or place of beginning containing
65.79 acres, more or less."

10. Two buildings were erected on this tract by the government, and were
occupied in August, 1884.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 113

having been set up by one Baldassare, the citizens
of Albuquerque presented him with a $300 organ,
when he executed a quit claim deed, December 26,

1884, which was recorded in the Bernalillo County,
N. Mex., January 9, 1885. On the 8th of June,

1885, Superintendent Bryan submitted a plat of
the land conveyed, with a view of quieting title to
a certain road adjacent to and in front of school
buildings.11

The location of the present site was in the very heart
of the Indian country within easy reach of the Pueblos,
Navahos, Apaches, and Utes. The climate was excellent,
having mild summers and winters not too severe.

This was fine for the prospective Indian pupils because
their new environment would be almost identical with that
of their homes ; and since the altitude was about 5000 feet,
the climate was considered very healthful. The new school
was to be located about two and one-half miles northwest
of the city of Albuquerque — the metropolis, business, and
railroad center of the territory of New Mexico. It had in
addition to its many other merits, a picturesque location in
the Rio Grande valley, bounded on the west by the craters
from five extinct volcanoes and on the east by the beautiful
Sandia and Manzano mountains. The present site originally
consisted of sixty-six and seventy-nine hundredths acres
purchased by the citizens of Albuquerque for $4,300.12 The
land was purchased in small lots from the native settlers,
and the title was taken in the name of Elias Clark who,
under date of June 17, 1882, conveyed the tract to the United
States by warranty deed.

The school was located one mile north of old Albuquer-
que, at the village of Duranes, where it remained for over
a year. It was first opened January 1, 1881, by the Reverend
Sheldon Jackson, D.D., to educate Indian pupils at an
annual cost of $130 per pupil. The school was a boarding
and an industrial school for the Pueblos under contract

11. 52 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 886, (1892.)

12 Perry, Historical Sketch, p. 1 Cf., 52 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II,
886, (1892). Mr. Perry gives sixty-six and seventy-nine-hundredths acres at $4,300;
the House executive document give sixty-five and seventy-nine-hundredths acres
(more or less).

114 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

with Henry Kendall, D.D., secretary of the board of home
missions of the Presbyterian Church, United States of
America. The contract was for a maximum attendance of
fifty pupils of both sexes.13 The average attendance was
forty. The school was conducted in a Mexican house which
had been built for a residence, and it afforded poor con-
venience for school purposes. J. S. Shearer was the super-
intendent in charge.14

Professor J. S. Shearer resigned in July, 1882, and
was relieved on July 31, by R. W. D. Bryan of New York.
Major Thomas wrote to the commissioner of Indian affairs
at this time that Professor Shearer had been very indus-
trious and successful in advancing the interests of the
school, and that he was sorry that a change in management
of the school was made necessary, for the school had been
managed efficiently and had made fine progress during the
year, even though confined to insufficient and unsuitable
quarters.15

During October, 1882, Professor R. W. D. Bryan, his
faculty, seventy pupils, and school property were moved
from Duranes to the present location where a number of
buildings were being erected by the E. F. Halleck Manu-
facturing Company of Denver, Colorado, under contract
with the commissioner of Indian affairs.16 These school
buildings were accepted by the government through the
inspection and recommendation of a board composed of
Major Pedro Sanchez,17 Superintendent of Construction
Edward Medler,18 and A. M. Coddington.19 Their report

13. 47 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 199, (1882).

14. Perry, Historical Sketch, pp. 1-2, gives attendance as 47; Major Thomas in
47 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 199, (1882), gives attendance as 40.

15. 47 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 190, (1883).

16. The plot of ground was purchased by the citizens of Albuquerque and was
located two and one-half miles northwest of the city.

17. Memoria Sobre la Vida del Presbitero, Don Antonio Jose Martinez, by Pedro
Sanchez (Santa Fe, 1903) p. 45. Pedro Sanchez was appointed Indian agent by
President Arthur and served till the election of President Cleveland.

18. Personal interview with Reuben Perry, June 23, 1934. Edward Medler was
an old resident of Albuquerque and was a local contractor. His son, ex-District
Judge Edward L. Medler, is now practicing law at Hot Springs, New Mexico.

19. Ibid. A. M. Coddington was one of the first citizens of Albuquerque in 1882.
He was a resident judge of the city. He was a brother-in-law of B. S. Rodey and!
an uncle of Pearce C. Rodey, now practicing attorney.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 115

was made about September 1, 1884, and the buildings were
accepted soon thereafter.20 The new school building could
accommodate 150 children. Even at this early date the
buildings were insufficient, for the superintendent found it
necessary to erect some other buildings with funds fur-
nished by charitable people in the East through the agency
of the Presbyterian church.21 Hon. H. M. Teller, secretary
of the interior, in a letter to the president of the United
States in 1884 said :

The flourishing Albuquerque school has moved
into new quarters after three years of waiting in
rented buildings, supplemented by temporary
makeshift additions, put up one after the other
as the pupils crowded in. This building was in-
tended for 158 pupils, and the superintendent of
the school is asking for the immediate erection
of another building to house the 50 additional pu-
pils who will ask for admittance this fall, and the
100 others who can easily be obtained. The $40,000
appropriated this year for buildings will be needed
for the Crow, Devil's Lake, Wichita, Quinaielt,
and Fort Peck buildings, and repairs and additions
at other points, and Albuquerque must wait an-
other year, as must also nine other places where
there are either no buildings at all or else build-
ings which need immediate enlargement.22

The school prospered greatly under the management
of Superintendent Bryan, who remained in charge until
October 2, 1886. On February 23, 1884, a congressional
committee composed of Hon. Clinton B. Fisk, chairman, E.
Whittlesey, and Albert K. Smiley visited the Indian school
under the care of the Presbyterian home mission board.
The committee reported to the secretary of the interior
that Mr. R. W. D. Bryan was the principal of the school,
and besides a matron and a cook, he had three assistant
teachers ; namely : Miss Tibbies who taught arithmetic, her
most advanced class studying decimals; Miss Wood, who
taught geography, reading, and spelling; and Miss Butler,

20. Perry, Historical Sketch, pp. 1-2, (1914).

21. 48 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 693, (1884).

22. Ibid., p. 5. Cf, Appendix, p. 132.

116 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

the primary teacher, who taught chiefly by object lessons.
Chairman Fisk further stated,

We heard classes in all the departments. The
teaching is entirely in English and is well done.
Discipline in the schoolroom is good, and most of
the scholars appear bright and interested in their
studies. The health of the children is good except
that some are troubled with sore eyes, probably
caused by scrofula. The buildings are poor, but
the dormitories are clean and well ventilated. The
number of pupils now is one hundred and thirty-
two. We saw them at dinner, which consisted of
soup, mutton, and bread. After dinner we went
to the ground given by the citizens of Albuquer-
que for new school buildings to be erected by the
government, with room for one hundred fifty schol-
ars. With the help of Mr. Bryan and the agent of
the contractor we measured and staked out the
sites for boarding house and school house. When
these are completed, shops should at once be added
for industrial instruction, which the Pueblo In-
dians need above all things.23

Superintendent Bryan believed in securing the Indian
children who lived near the boarding school. He opposed
sending children long distances from their homes. His
views were best expressed in the annual report24 of 1885,
in which he stated :

The ultimate object of the Indian schools is,
as I understand, not so much the improvement of
individuals as the gradual uplifting of the race.
To this end it is important to guard against the
formation of a wide gulf between parent and child,
and to prevent the child from acquiring notions
inconsistent with proper filial respect and duty.
I am, therefore, anxious to have local and neigh-
borhood day schools maintained; to have board-
ing schools multiplied within easy reach of their
homes, so that the parents may often visit their
children, and thus grow accustomed to their im-
provement, and so that the children may spend
each year a long vacation at their homes. I would

23. 48 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Dec. 1, pt. 5, II, 693, (1884).

24. 49 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 481-2, (1885).

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 117

recommend that at this school, therefore, the term
consist of nine months, giving the children three
months at their homes. The schools at the east and
far from the children's homes should be used as
normal schools, to prepare those who have shown
ability and aptitude at the local boarding schools
to be teachers and leaders of their people.

It was under Superintendent Bryan that industrial
education was introduced into the school. Because of this
training, the boys soon made the buildings habitable, mak-
ing many tables and other articles of furniture. Mr. Bryan
suggested that special contracts be entered into for the
maintenance of an industrial department allowing ten dol-
lars per pupil per annum to be given for each trade estab-
lished; to which at least one instructor should devote his
whole time.25 Carrying out the idea of industrial instruc-
tion, the boys and girls were employed in domestic work,
especially in the dining-room and laundry. In addition the
girls were taught sewing, cooking, and the care of the sick.
Also a farm was operated during the year and forty acres
were cultivated. The boys worked hard, especially the
Apache boys, who previous to entering school regarded work
as disgraceful. The painting instructor with a corps of
apprentices painted, grained, and decorated in an artistic
workmanlike manner several large houses. The stone cut-
ters, who were selected from the pueblo upon whose land
the stone was quarried, worked out door and window sills
with care and accuracy. Mention should be made of the
carpenter boys who did creditable work throughout the
school term.26

According to a letter written by the Presbyterian home
mission board to the board of Indian commissioners in 1885,
the school needed to be enlarged because it was the central
point at which the Pueblos and neighboring tribes might
gather. The school was very popular with the Indians. If
sufficiently large buildings were erected, almost any number

25. 49 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 481, (1885).

26. 49 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 481, (1885).

118 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

of pupils could be secured. It was believed that by 1886,
the enrollment would reach 200.27

The faculty of 1885 consisted of R. W. D. Bryan, su-
perintendent; the Misses Tibbies, Wood, Patten, and Butler,
teachers; Mrs. Bryan and Miss Wilkins, matrons; Mr. Mc-
Kenzie, instructor in carpentering; Mr. Loveland in paint-
ing; Mrs. Loveland and Mrs. Sadler in sewing; and Mr. and
Mrs. Henderson in cooking and care of the tables. They
were a courageous band of workers, and the work done by
them as a whole was very encouraging.28

The average attendance during the year was 156. A
noted event was the coming to the school of sixty Apaches.
A few of the older pupils ran away, but the larger number
remained, and many of them made rapid progress, es-
pecially in manual labor. However, the largest number
came from ten of the nineteen pueblos. The Lagunas, the
most advanced pueblo, sent thirty-two.29

Certainly the school under the direction of Mr. Bryan
prospered and was successful, for Major Pedro Sanchez,
Indian agent, in writing to the commissioner of Indian
affairs, said :

The boys and girls that return from the Car-
lisle school, as well as those who attend the Albu-
querque school, are the pride of every man that
appreciates education and desires the welfare of
these Indians; but when they return home they
have to join hands with the agent, and thus deal
with the gross ignorance so deeply rooted in their
people.30

And Mr. Dolores Romero, Indian agent at Isleta, in a
letter to the commissioner of Indian affairs wrote:

I should recommend that more children be sent
to Carlisle, Albuquerque, and Santa Fe, because

27. Ibid., p. 801.

28. Ibid.

29. 49 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 480, (1885). The Albuquerque In-
dian Boarding School was classed with reservation boarding schools, although it was
not on a reservation because the school was originally intended for the Pueblo Indians
of New Mexico.

30. 48 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 183, (1884). Major Sanchez of
the Pueblo Indian Agency at Santa Fe recommended in August, 1884, a day school
in every pueblo.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 119

the children coming from these schools are a pride
to civilization, and they are also an inducement to
other children to attend more regularly, and would
apply themselves to learn the first rudiments of
learning in the primaries in order to go to the
higher schools.31

Although Mr. Bryan's work terminated in 1886, he
continued to have a very strong personal interest in the
Indians and the Indian school. He made his home in Albu-
querque where he became a leading attorney and a prominent
citizen. In the spring of 1912, shortly before his death, he
delivered an able and sincere address to the graduates of
the Indian school. After reading this address in the Albu-
querque Evening Herald, Commissioner Valentine wrote to
Superintendent Perry, "I congratulate you on the fact that
men of this type are interested in the Albuquerque Indian
School."32 It is certain that Superintendent Bryan laid a
firm foundation for the continuance of the school : by draw-
ing pupils from the pueblos and other nearby tribes; and,
by introducing industrial training into the school. Fortun-
ate, indeed, was the Albuquerque school to be piloted by a
man as able as Mr. Bryan through the critical stages of its
infancy from 1881-1886. His vision made later progress
possible.

31. 49 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 384, (1885).

32. Perry, Historical Sketch, pp. 4-5, (1914).

120 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

CHAPTER II
FIRST PERIOD OF GOVERNMENT MANAGEMENT (1886-1897)

On October 2, 1886, the management of the Indian
School was entirely transferred to the United States gov-
ernment1 and P. F. Burke of New York entered on duty as
superintendent.2 He found that the school had accommoda-
tions for 200 pupils and was intended especially for the
Pueblos and Mescalero Apaches. Since the government had
made no arrangement to purchase the property claimed
by the Presbyterian board he found that furniture and
other interior appliances had been removed, leaving the
buildings destitute of everything.3 This was a rather bad
situation, but could be remedied more easily than many
other problems arising during his superintendency.

On August 31, 1887, he submitted the first Annual
Report* under government management for the fiscal year
ending June 30. According to this report, the Pueblo In-
dians were not favorably inclined toward educating their
children, and it was with much difficulty and hard work
that they were enrolled.5 As early as 1883 boarding schools
for Indians were considered by the commissioner of Indian
affairs, greatly superior to day schools,6 and the opening of
the school at Albuquerque was expected to accomplish the
greatest good and to be the most practical way of educating
them ;7 whereas in the day schools the language and habits
of the savage parents were kept alive in the minds of their

1. Ellwood P. Cubberly, State School Administration, p. 110. "In 1876 a new
policy was adopted, viz., that of providing for the education of the Indians under
strictly governmental auspices, and with this change in policy the real development
of Indian education began." Evidently this was not a rigid policy, since the com-
missioner of Indian Affairs did not adhere to it in all cases.

2. 49 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, I, 154, (1886).

3. 50 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 330, (1887).

4. These reports may be subjective but are the best and most authentic material
on the Albuquerque Indian School since supervisors would note any discrepancies.

5. 52 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 545, (1892). According to a legend
of many tribes, the Pueblo Indians chose ignorance and poverty in this world, but
happiness in the next. This idea was ingrained in the Pueblo mind, constituting a
basis of dogged resistance to efforts in educating their offspring ; and when in some
cases children were forcibly sent to school, on their return home, parents did all they
could to destroy what they had learned.

6. 47 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 199, (1882).

7. 47 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 190, (1883).

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 121

children.8 Naturally, the Pueblo parents were in a state of
doubt and disbelief concerning the value of educating their
children away from parental influence. The chief opposi-
tion came from the Pueblos at Santo Domingo and Jemez.
These were both large groups, but neither sent children to
the Albuquerque Indian school.9 Even the northern Pueblos
objected because they were distrustful of all efforts made
in their behalf and clung obstinately to traditions and
original systems of law. To the Pueblo villagers the day
schools were all that could be desired, and they could not
understand why the boarding schools were considered bet-
ter. They, therefore, used the day schools as an excuse for
retaining their children.10 However, their attitude became
more friendly after the arrival, in 1887, of Superintendent
Riley and Agent Williams among them, for they sent 130
pupils soon thereafter to the school.11 Opposition came also
from the Ute squaws who held superstitious beliefs that the
attendance of their children at the school two years pre-
viously was the cause of the death of about one-half of those
in attendance. No doubt the cause of this great loss of
lives was due to the diseased condition of an hereditary
nature in the children.12

At this time five distinct tribes were represented in
the Indian school. Of the pueblos San Felipe sent thirty-
nine,13 Isleta thirty-six, Laguna eighteen, Santa Ana ten,
Zia eight, Acoma eight, Cochiti five, Sandia five; of the
other tribes the Navaho sent eight from Ganoncito Cajo,
the Mescalero Apache one, the Papago seven, and the Pima
twenty-three, making a total of 129 Pueblos and thirty-
nine from other tribes. Superintendent Burke gave 170
as the maximum attendance for 1887.14

Teaching in most cases was rather poor. There was
no uniformity in the course of study nor in the textbooks

8. 49 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, I, 100, (1886).

9. 50 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 330, (1887).

10. 50 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 268, (1888).

11. 50 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 330, (1887).

12. 49 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, I, 267, (1886).

13. 50 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 330, (1887).

14. Ibid., pp. 768-9.

122 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

used.15 The superintendent was allowed to select the text-
books and pursue the course of study that he liked best.
The results varied widely within the school, and often a
lack of purpose in ordering textbooks retarded progress.
Nor was this all. Literary progress failed to keep pace with
industrial, because the teaching force was inadequate; two
teachers had to instruct and deal with 130 children of all
ages and advancement. Besides this, the teachers lacked
sufficient education to instruct the children in the rudiments
of English.16 No test was given teachers for capacity, in-
telligence, or character, and neither was there an assurance
of a reward for merit,17 and Superintendent Burke recom-
mended that teachers in government schools be placed
under civil service regulations to promote efficiency.

The fiscal year, 1888-1889, showed an enrollment of
219 and an average attendance of 172. Evidently the Pueb-
los were becoming more favorable toward education. At
the beginning of the school term manual art instruction
was reintroduced and was of great practical value to the
pupils.

The next few years were critical ones for the school;
the resignation of P. F. Burke May 24, 1889, was followed
by frequent changes in superintendents. Many activities
of the school were curtailed because there could be no con-
structive policy over a period of years; however, progress
was made in the increased enrollment and in the extension
of industrial work.

On May 25, 1889, William B. Creager was appointed
superintendent, and his first Annual Report (1890-1891),
was entitled "Report of Fisk Institute, Albuquerque, New
Mexico."18 In this report the account given of progress
in the improvement of buildings and grounds was greatly
overdrawn. He says

that greater advancement has been made in all
the industrial departments, in the improvement to

15. 50 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 730, (1888).

16. 50 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 333, (1887).

17. 50 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 270-1, (1888).

18. Ibid., p. 571. Possibly in honor of Clinton B. Fisk, chairman of the con
gressional committee.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 123

the buildings and grounds, in the additional com-
forts, and facilities for the education of Indian
youth this year than in all previous years com-
bined.19

The trades taught were: harness making, shoe making,
cooking and baking, sewing, and laundry work.20 The
academic department21 was under Mrs. D. S. Keck assisted
by five women teachers. Since the new academic building
had not been completed, only three rooms were used ; other
necessary rooms were fitted up elsewhere until the building
was dedicated on May 30, 1892. The school was graded at
the beginning of the year, and work was outlined for each
grade. The highest grade had an enrollment of fifty, the
intermediate fifty-eight, the second primary fifty-nine, and
the first primary 147, making a total of 314.22

Daniel Dorchester, U. S. superintendent of Indian
schools, maintained that there were two chief obstacles that
hindered Pueblo progress, first, their adherence to ancient
ideas and usages; and second, their dark religious fetich-
ism.23 Even Commissioner T. J. Morgan recognized these
problems ; he wrote that it was almost impossible to secure
attendance of the Pueblo children since "there has been a
persistent, systematic effort to prevent the people from
patronizing these schools, and recently some of the patrons
have been induced by misrepresentations to appeal to the
courts to have their children removed from Albuquerque by
a writ of habeas corpus.24

Commissioner Morgan requested that the Rt. Rev. P. L.
Chapelle, coadjutor bishop of Santa Fe, use his influence to
return the Isleta Indian children that had been removed by
their parents because of the activity of the Catholic priest
at Isleta. But Mr. 0. N. Marron, Catholic attorney of Al-
buquerque, appealed to the courts to restore to the Pueblo
parents their children, and Commissioner T. J. Morgan, not

19. Ibid.
20. 53 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 428, (1893).

21. The literary department in the Albuquerque Indian School has always been
spoken of as the academic department.

22. 52 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 679, (1892).

23. Ibid., p. 545.

24. 52 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 43-44, (1892).

124 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

caring to contest the matter in the courts, allowed the chil-
dren to be taken.25

Superintendent Creager reported that the Indian chil-
dren learned rapidly, but they were difficult to enroll because
of the opposition of their parents. A recommendation was
made by the commissioner of Indian affairs to congress
to appropriate money for meals for visiting parents of the
children in order to keep them friendly at enrollment time.26
Teachers were not always fitted for their tasks; such a
position needed men and women of tact, discretion, patience,
sympathy, and loyalty in more than an average degree.27
Apathy among the citizens of Albuquerque was noticeable
at first, but upon being convinced that the school was an
asset, they became interested and agitated for good roads
to the school until the county commissioners built them.28

In dealing with Pueblo parents, Superintendent Creager
aroused the opposition of the Reverend A. Jouvenceau, a
priest among the Pueblos near Santa Fe. He instigated an
investigation of Mr. Creager, and advised the Indian par-
ents against sending their children to the Albuquerque
school. The Indian office had considerable correspondence
with Archbishop Salpointe on the subject, and hoped that
Father Jouvenceau might be ordered to stop his interfer-
ence with Pueblo parents. This was not the end of this
unfortunate affair since two teachers, Miss Walter and
Mrs. Gause, also presented charges against Superintendent
Creager to R. V. Belt, acting commissioner. These charges
were dismissed; the teachers had no proof to substantiate
them and later pleaded earnestly that no investigation be
made. However, Acting Commissioner Belt did write two
letters to the commissioner on the subject. One related to
the statements presented ; the other advised that upon close
observation of the conduct and management of the school
and its personnel, an investigation was unnecessary. This

25. Ibid., p. 166.

26. 52 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 431, (1892).

27. 53 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 428, (1893).

28. 52 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 575, (1891).

29. Letter of Mr. R. V. Belt, acting commissioner, to William B. Creager, October
2, 1891. Found in the Albuquerque Indian School files, Albuquerque, New Mexico.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 125

view was changed upon Mr. Belt's return to the Indian of-
fice when the commissioner showed him a letter from Miss
Lillian Carr whose statements were in the form of cumula-
tive evidence against Mr. Creager. Mr. Belt now suggested
an investigation. This was not acted upon by the com-
missioner for his faith in Mr. Creager remained unshaken.
Unknown to either of the above gentlemen, Inspector Gar-
dener had taken matters into his own hands and had
investigated the affair. This report tended to exonerate
Superintendent Creager from the charges made, but left
the impression that his retention would seriously embarrass
the progress of the school in view of the publicity given
the scandal. Dr. Dorchester was then sent to make further
investigation. He exonerated Mr. Creager from the charges
made,30 but Superintendent Creager gave up his position
March 31, 1894.

The school was next placed in charge of John Lane,
special United States Indian agent, from April to June 15,
1894. During this brief time he tried to keep the standard
high. The big problem as he saw it was the lack of drain-
age.31 On June 16, F. F. A very was appointed to the position,
but served only until August 7, 1894. He in turn was
succeeded by William N. Moss, supervisor, who had charge
of the school from August 8, to September 30 ; and he was
relieved October 1, 1894, by John J. McKoin, who was to
hold the position until April 9, 1896.

Despite the fact that such frequent changes were made
in the superintendency, the school, during this time enrolled
283 pupils. Regular and irregular employees numbered
fifty-eight,32 the school had a capacity of 300, and an aver-
age attendance of 256 at a per capita cost of $175. Work
was fine in the kitchen, bakery, harness shop, and dress-
making department ; the farm work was fair. Fourteen boys
had work at the school while twelve hired out to local
farmers. Dormitories were kept clean and fresh, and the

30. Ibid.

31. 53 Cong., 3 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 1036, (1894).

32. Ibid.

126 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

conduct at the tables and in marching to and from the
dining room was good.

Mr. McKoin reported that the year 1895-1896 was
marked by dissensions among the employees, yet this fric-
tion did not keep the results of the work that year from
being fairly satisfactory, both from a literary and an
industrial point of view.33 Reclaiming the school farm
was slow discouraging work because of poor drainage and
of the difficulty in securing water for irrigation. Its alkali
condition was partially overcome by planting the land to
alfalfa.34 Another problem vexatious to the superintendent
was the sewerage system. The land and sewerage problems
were to harass succeeding superintendents.

Special U. S. Indian Agent M. B. Shelby relieved Mr.
McKoin on April 10, 1896, and served until April 27, when
S. M. McCowan arrived as the new superintendent at a
salary of $1,500 per annum. In his report for 1896-97 Mr.
McCowan stated that the frequent changes in employees
and superintendents had been very detrimental, since 1894,
yet this year showed some progress. The literary depart-
ment was much better than in previous years, due possibly
to the principal who was one of the few thoroughly com-
petent instructors in the service.35 Fair progress was made
in the industrial departments. In the sewing room pupils
were taught to draft, cut, and fit garments. Excellent work
was done in the carpenter shop. All repairs were made by
these boys. They kalsomined the entire plant, finished a
nice bath house, and white washed the board fences. So
energetic were they that all the paint was used up before
the expiration of the school term. Satisfactory work was
done in the laundry, bakery, and kitchen. Recommendations
for the school included a sewerage system, since the one in
use was in a deplorable condition and a constant menace
to good health. Mr. McCowan maintained that dollars
should not count when the lives and health of children and
employees were endangered. Other recommendations in-

83. Ibid., p. 1036.

34. 54 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 381, (1896).

35. 55 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. 5, II, 382, (1897).

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 127

eluded an electric lighting system, a large dining room and
kitchen, and a guardhouse for unruly boys.

This period, 1886-1897, and the one from 1897-190836
were critical for the school, for frequent changes in super-
intendents tended to reduce the efficiency of the school by
shortening constructive plans that should have been ex-
ecuted over a period of years. The above changes may have
been due to many causes : for instance low salaries, incom-
patibility in dealing with the Indian office, investigations
of such a nature as to interfere with the work of the school,
promotions within the Indian service, and victims of the
political spoils system.

A study of the changes made under the democratic
regime from 1886-1897 indicates that politics37 was pos-
sibly the major cause, since during the two terms of Presi-
dent Grover Cleveland (1885-1889; 1893-1897) and the
intervening Harrison term (1889-1893), the school at Al-
buquerque was directed by three superintendents: Burke,
Creager, and McCowan. From October 1886 to June 1897,
a period of not quite eleven years, five other men held the
office for brief transitional periods of a few weeks each;
but the three named were chiefly responsible for the course
of events and for any development that may be credited to
these years.

36. The second period under government management from 1897-1908 will be
treated in Chapter III.

37. An investigation by the Indian office of Supt. Creager was perhaps the cause
of his withdrawal from the school.

128 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

CHAPTER III
RETURN OF REPUBLICAN CONTROL (1897-1908)

As might have been expected after the republican party
returned to the control of national affairs, there was a
new appointment to the office of superintendent at Albu-
querque, and there were others at about the same three-
year interval. Between June, 1897, and February 1908,
we find the superintendencies of four men: E. A. Allen, R.
P. Collins, J. K. Allen, and B. B. Custer. Several other
names appear, but, as in the preceding period, they were
merely transitional.

The many changes from 1886-1908 indicate that they
were due in large measure to the turn given the political
situation, and since other governmental department ad-
ministrators were admittedly removed because of their
opposing political views, it is only reasonable to suppose
that superintendents under the interior department were
no exception. Though politics was perhaps the major
issue, other causes sometimes operated.1

Hence on June 6, 1897, Edgar A. Allen succeeded S. M.
McCowan as superintendent, and held this position for near-
ly three years until March 31, 1900. Mr. Allen's first year
as an administrator was a trying one. In his report to the
commissioner of Indian affairs he wrote that:

Frequent changes of superintendents and em-
ployees have had the effect of unsettling the insti-
tution and very materially hindering its progress.
The last change took away not only the superin-
tendent and the matron, but also, the principal
teacher, senior teacher,2 disciplinarian, assistant
disciplinarian, chief cook, shoemaker, and band
teacher.

Besides these transfers most of the older and
better trained pupils were taken from us, leaving
a new superintendent and a large proportion of

1. Burton B. Custer resigned to accept a position as superintendent of the ware-
house in the Indian department at St. Louis, and Mr. Edgar A. Allen resigned for
reasons unknown to the writer.

2. Teachers enter the Indian service according to such classification as primary*
junior, or senior teacher.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 129

new employees, and but few advanced pupils with
which to conduct affairs.3

Mr. Allen reported that no class had yet graduated
because the children remained only from one to five years,
and very little could be accomplished in so short a time.
Furthermore, it was almost impossible to secure children
from the reservations and pueblos because counter influ-
ences were at work to keep them away.4 For the next
fiscal year, he recommended a new sewerage system, a new
building for the carpenter shop, and one for shops and
laundry costing $3,500.5

In his Annual Report for 1898, Mr. Allen was not
entirely satisfied with the progress made, for two reasons:
first, the shops were very poorly housed ; and second, there
had never been a course on instruction pursued by which
the students could be systematically trained. Even with
this adverse report, progress had been made. New ring
baths had been installed; electric lights added, a new steel
tower built; a new well dug; an appropriation made for a
sewerage system;6 and a number of blue ribbons awarded
for the excellency of the Indian school exhibit at the terri-
torial fair.7

In the Annual Report, 1899, Mr. Allen submitted as
his most outstanding problem the reclaiming of the school
farm. He stated that

The task of reclaiming the school farm is a
serious one. Old residents state that the land had

3. 55 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 5, pt. 1, XIII, 360-1, (1897). Cf., Perry, His-
torical Sketch, p. 5, (1914). Superintendent S. M. McCowan and his corps of em-
ployees were transferred to the Indian school at Phoenix, Arizona.

4. 55 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 5, pt. 1, XIII, 197, (1897). Perry, Historical
Sketch, p. 5, (1914). "Most of the pupils were mixed Mexican and Indians, for whom
the school was not established." The pueblo of Santa Clara was an exception. Their
friendliness toward the school was due almost wholly to the influence of the lieutenant
governor who was educated at the Albuquerque school, and to a former teacher who
had married an Indian woman of the village. Cf., 55 Cong., sess., H. Ex. Doc. 5,
pt. 1, XV, 339, (1898). In most cases the downpull of the tribe was greater than the
uplift of the returned student.

5. Ibid.

6. Ibid., p. 9. "The system was installed by Superintendent Allen during the
fiscal year, 1900, at a cost of $11,000. This was a great improvement and convenience
to the school."

7. 55 Cong., 3 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 5, pt. 1, XV, 380, (1898).

130 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

been used for the manufacture of adobe brick
since the memory of man runneth not to the con-
trary, until the citizens conceived the idea of pre-
senting it to the government. No one ever had the
temerity to attempt to cultivate it. Foot by foot,
however, it is at great expense and labor being
improved, and while this can never excel as an
agricultural school, the land may in time be made
to produce fairly well. The crop of alfalfa raised
this year is much the best that has been produced,
and the garden, while not quite so good as last
year, would have been better had the spring not
been so unfavorable.8

Mr. Allen recommended for the ensuing year an ap-
propriation for a heating plant, a manual training building,
and a domestic science building. At this time the capacity
of the school was 300; the actual enrollment 321 with an
average of 304 for a period of ten months. There were
twenty-six employees. The per capita was $167, with a
total expenditure of $42,907.03.9 Mr. Allen resigned March
31, 1900, to be succeeded by M. F. Holland, supervisor,
who served from April 1 to May 26.

On May 27 Ralph P. Collins was appointed superin-
tendent at a salary of $1,700 per annum.

Superintendent Collins wrote that when he took charge
the greater portion of the pupils enrolled were Navahoes,
Pueblos, and Apaches. According to the new administra-
tion, industrial training was more important than academic
or fine arts because such training enabled the future adult
Indian an opportunity to earn money. Mr. Collins in his
Annual Report wrote the Indian commissioner that "most
time is given over to practical and useful work. Only
enough attention is given to music and so-called accom-
plishments to serve as a diversion."10

A charge was made that most of the children enrolled
were Mexicans, but the superintendent insisted that all
could prove their Indian blood.11

8. 56 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 5, pt. 1, XVIII, 409, (1899).

9. Ibid., pp. 10, 552-3.

10. 56 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 5, pt. 1, XXVII, 494, (1900).

11. It is possible that a large per cent of the children were Mexicans since the
majority of Indian parents were indifferent to educating their children.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 131

average daily attendance of 315. The subsistence raised
by the school was valued at $789.70. The per capita cost
At this time the Isleta children were most difficult of
all to obtain. Mr. Collins reported a total enrollment of
335 with an average attendance of 317.61. This enrollment
was greater than the capacity of the building. The school
farm had increased in fertility over previous years. Rec-
ommendations for 1900 were general rather than specific.

During the next few years, owing to the en-
rollment of the larger number of Mexican children
and the inaccessibility of the school from the city
of Albuquerque, the Department and the Indian
Office seemed to lose interest in the institution and
were inclined to abolish it.12

Mr. Collins used the outing system,13 for he permitted
the oldest boys to work in the beet fields and upon the
railroads in the territory. He reported that a course of
study was prepared for the industrial department. It must
not have been broad enough in scope since Estelle Reel,
superintendent of Indian schools, desired better provision
for the teaching of industries, especially blacksmithing.14
Cooperation among the employees was excellent; the social
life was both pleasant and agreeable. There were thirty-
four employees caring for an enrollment of 336 with an
was $135.81 with a total cost to the government of
$42,781.41."

For the fiscal year, 1901-1902, Superintendent Collins
made a determined effort to enroll only full-blood unpro-
gressive Indians. Twenty Navahos were enrolled when
the work was checked by a serious epidemic of diphtheria.
The results for this year were unsatisfactory since every
department was affected by the epidemic. There were 150
cases, but no deaths. This was a great record for the effi-
ciency of the medical treatment.16

12. Perry, Historical Sketch, p. 9, (1914).

13. The outing system (first used in the Carlisle Indian School, Carlisle, Pa. — the
system of hiring out the Indian children to responsible white people) was adopted
by most boarding schools.

14. 57 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. 5, pt. 1, XXIII, 414, (1902).

15. 57 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 5, pt. 1, XXIII, 676-7, (1902).

16. 57 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 5, pt. 1, XIX, 254, (1903).

132 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

A shop, a warehouse, and a pumping plant were built
at a cost of $6.000.17 The total sum expended by the gov-
ernment for the year was $57,60018 for an enrollment of
313.

Twenty-five boys were listed on the outing system to
work in the beet fields of Colorado. These boys did well
financially.19

Athletics became important at this time. The boys
played some first-class games of baseball and football,
while the girls met and defeated every basketball team of
any note in the Territory of New Mexico.20

The services of Mr. Collins ended March 17, 1903, and
the Indian office sent 0. A. Wright, supervisor, on the
eighteenth, to take charge ; he remained until June 30. On
the following day James K. Allen, a virile and able super-
intendent, assumed charge.

His arrival heralded a new life for the school. He
stopped its threatened abolishment by enlisting the support
of the commercial club and the citizens of Albuquerque in
donating funds for the purchase of land to open a roadway
from the school to Fourth street, and by persuading the
Indian office to purchase land immediately east and west
of the plant so that the school might have easy access to
this road.21 The crisis had been passed, a new building
program was launched.

In his Annual Report for 1902-1903, Mr. Allen reviewed
the school situation as he had found it. The plant consisted
of about thirty buildings. Some were old and ill-arranged.
The kitchen and dining room needed to be condemned and
a new structure built ; the laundry, built in 1885 and cost-
ing $900, was a cheap affair in the beginning. This building
needed to be replaced by a newer and better equipped
structure. Mr. Allen insisted that the most needed build-
ing had as yet found no place on the campus — a manual
training building with sufficient floor space to care for

17. Ibid., p. 434.

18. 57 Cong., 1 sess. Sen. Ex. Doc. 449, V. XXXII, p. 122, (1902).

19. Cf. reference 15, supra.

20. 57 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 5, pt. 1, XIX, 254-5, (1903).

21. Perry, Historical Sketch, p. 9, (1914).

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 133

all boys enrolled in the industrial department. Then, too,
the water system was not complete, for the wells were
probably contaminated with surface water. New wells
could be sunk at a cost not exceeding $500. The heating
plant was not up-to-date, since coal and wood stoves were
used. The old system should be replaced by the cheaper
and cleaner steam heat. The electric lighting system was
the only one that was satisfactory. The Albuquerque Gas,
Electric Light, and Power Company furnished electricity
at a cost of $1,200 per annum.22

About one-third of the pupils having Mexican blood
were discharged by June 30.23 Only those of Mexican
descent whose parents could prove Indian blood remained.24
This discharge marked the second major crisis averted, for
this determination of Mr. Allen's to fill the school with
pure blood Pueblo and Navaho pupils reawakened the In-
dian office to a new sense of duty to the school that has
continued to the present time.

The fiscal year, 1902-1903, ended with the school hav-
ing a capacity of 300, an enrollment of 380, and an average
daily attendance of 286,25 and an employee force of thirty-
one,26 seven of whom were Indian. The superintendent
received a salary of $1,700 a year, the physician $1,100, the
chief clerk $1,000, and teachers' salaries ranged from $540
to $740.27

Mr. Allen turned next to the farm problem. The fiscal
year, 1903-1904, was marked by his efforts to remedy the
bad condition of the alkali soil. He believed that an abun-
dance of water and ample drainage at considerable cost
would reclaim the farm. Not only was this undertaken

22. 58 Cong., 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 5, pt. 1, XIX, 217, (1904).

23. 58 Cong, 2 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 5, pt. 1, XIX, 217, (1904).

24. A printed form, "Application for Enrollment," was used to record the name,
age, parentage, and previous schooling of the child ; the consent of parent or guardian
for not less than three years ; a physician's certificate of health ; and an endorsement
by an agent or superintendent.

25. Annual Report, p. 5 (1904). The low average attendance was possibly due to
the fact that 216 Mexican pupils were discharged during the year and their places
eventually filled from the Pueblo and Navaho tribes.

26. From an old copy found in the office files of the Albuquerque Indian School,
Albuquerque, New Mexico.

27. 58 Cong., 3 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 5, pt. 1, XIX, 655, (1905).

134 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

but a recommendation was sent to the Indian office to
purchase an additional thirty acres for vegetables and
alfalfa, and to appoint a trained farmer who had made
a scientific study of the management of alkali and adobe
soils at a salary high enough to attract him.28 The value
of the produce raised during this year amounted to
$1,197.11, costing $843.53 which left a net profit of $353.58,
or an average of $23.53 an acre for the fifteen acres under
cultivation.29

Mr. Allen recommended a gasoline or an electric pump-
ing plant for irrigation to cost about $7000. It was im-
practicable to obtain water from the river for irrigating
because the water was not obtainable and the cost of main-
taining ditches from the river was prohibitive.30

During the year the housing problem became acute.
A recommendation was made and an appropriation received
for a new dining room and kitchen, a new laundry, and a
new dormitory for boys.31

Public sentiment among the Navahos had become fa-
vorable to the school. So many Navaho children came that
the total enrollment reached 348 with an average daily
attendance at the close of the fiscal year, 1904, of 336. Of
this number 313 were full blood. Progress in school was
fair. About sixty per cent of the students were unable
to speak or understand English. With the exception of a
small class of older pupils the entire school was primary;
however, a fine quality of workmanship was shown in the
handicrafts.32 Pottery work among the Pueblo girls was
very good. William J. Oliver was sent to escort Indians

28. Annual Report, p. 10, (1904).

29. Ibid.

30. Ibid.

31. Ibid. ,

32. Albuquerque Indian, I, No. 4, p. 16, September (1905). Charles Goshen, a
full blood Paiute Indian of the Walker River Reservation, Nevada, showed Indian
patience by making an old time rabbit net 900 feet long, three feet wide, and made
somewhat like a fish-net with about two and one-fourth inch meshes. A piece of
milkweed, which grows about two and one-half feet tall, was used. Only the outer
cover could be woven, and this was separated by hand. Two slender pieces were
moistened and twisted by hand until it was slightly larger than a fishing line, but
strong enough to support 100 pounds. About 16,000 feet of thread, four tons of weed
to furnish enough fiber, and twelve months of labor including Sundays were required
to complete the net.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 135

with pottery to the World's Fair at St. Louis. Many of the
girls who had been taught weaving were so anxious to
weave blankets that they frequently used the legs of an
ordinary chair for a loom and it was "no unusual occurrence
in passing through the dormitory to find a number of chairs
used as looms on which are unfinished blankets."33

Sanitary conditions of the plant were good. There
was a large number of cases of diphtheria, but in a rather
mild form. At this time Dr. Edwin L. Jones of Aguas
Calientes, Mexico, was appointed under civil service rules
as physician to the school at a salary of $1,000 a year.34

Congress in 1904 appropriated $50,100 for support and
education of the Indian pupils, for the purchase of addi-
tional land, for the construction and furnishing of new
buildings, for repair and equipment of present buildings,
and for the improvement of the grounds.35 An additional
$3.500 was appropriated for improvements to the water
supply.

The year was a successful one, and Mr. Allen was
partially rewarded by an increase in salary of $100 a year.

In his Annual Report, 1904-1905, Mr. Allen wrote that
the industrial work accomplished was very gratifying. Two
large adobe buildings were constructed requiring several
thousand adobe bricks which were made and laid by the
Indian boys. So much progress was made in the black-
smith and carpenter shops that Mr. Allen proposed to add
cabinet making the next year.36 A part of the superintend-
ent's huge building program was completed at this time:
An adobe blacksmith shop, an adobe carpenter shop, a barn
and several storerooms enlarged and remodeled, a new cow
barn with cement floor, a school warehouse moved to the
new site, a cold storage building, the old office building
moved to the new site and turned into a mess hall and
quarters for employees, and the building of fences around
barnyards and corrals. Buildings under structure were:

33. 58 Cong., 3 sess., H. Ex. 5, pt. 1, XIX, 404, (1905).

34. Letter of A. B. Tanner, acting commissioner, to James K. Allen, March 2,
1904.

35. 58 Cong., 3 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 5, pt. 1, XIX, 404, (1905).

36. 59 Cong., 1 sess., H. Ex. Doc. 5, pt. 1, XIX, 262, (1906).

136 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

a laundry, a kitchen and mess hall, and a small boys' dor-
mitory for housing 100 boys.37

Contracts had been made for securing additional land
on the south and on the east sides of the school grounds
in order to extend the lawns around the plant.

Literary work was good even though many pupils
were fresh from reservations. Mr. Allen proposed to pur-
chase a printing press and have the children publish monthly
a small school paper, not to make printers of the children
but to benefit them in acquiring spelling, sentence structure,
and punctuation.38

Another important phase of school work that was
developed to its greatest extent as far as local conditions
permitted was the outing system. At various times during
the year there were sixty-six boys and eight girls outing.
Fifty-two boys were sent to the beet fields at Rocky Ford,
Colorado, while the remainder worked on the railroad or
for local farmers. The girls worked as domestics. The total
net earnings for these children was $2,350.39

By this time, the Pueblos were becoming more friendly
toward the school. The total enrollment had reached the
357 mark with an average daily attendance of 340. There
were 325 full blood and only thirty-two of mixed blood. The
Pueblos sent 219, the Navahos 127, the Apaches eight, and
the Papago, Shawnee, and Wyandotte one each. Most of
the pupils were desirable, showing little discontent during
the entire year.40

Such a dynamic personality as Mr. Allen could not
hope to carry out all of his major policies without opposi-
tion. His enemies pursued him relentlessly during the year
1905; as late as March 18, 1906, he had written to F. E.
Roberson, Tohatchi, New Mexico, that he was still on the
carpet and that a long strenuous hounding had been follow-
ing him since the first of the year, but he felt that it was
about closed. Evidently his enemies were unable to secure

37. Ibid.

38. Ibid., p. 261.

39. Ibid., p. 261. For outing contract see appendix.

40. Annual Report, p. 7, (1905). On file in the office of the superintendent of the
Albuquerque Indian School, Albuquerque, New Mexico.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 137

his removal because he remained in charge until his death
on May 27, 1906.

Under his direction the industrial department had be-
come very efficient in developing the various trades. He
had saved the school from being abolished by discharging
the Mexican pupils, and by securing a road to Fourth Street.
He had worked persistently to overcome the alkali condition
of the soil, and had developed the outing system as far as
local conditions would permit. His death was a great loss
to the school.

Mrs. Allen took his place until the arrival of Supervisor
Charles H. Dickson in June, who remained in charge until
July 5, when he was relieved by the appointment of Burton
B. Custer to the super intendency.

The Annual Report for 1905-1906 was rather brief.
The warehouse had been destroyed by fire during the year,
causing considerable loss and great inconvenience, and a
contract had been awarded for a new warehouse. Many
of the projects begun by Mr. Allen were completed: the
dormitory, dining hall, office, two electric pumps (one for
irrigation, the other for domestic purposes), a small light
plant, and a new steam boiler for the power house.

The total value of the school farm and equipment
amounted to $12,323.67. The land alone was appraised at
$6,600.41

The outing system had been carried on to quite an
extent since 100 boys and fourteen girls were outing during
the year. The boys were under the supervision of the outing
agent, Charles Dagenett, who sent them to work in the beet
fields of Colorado and on the railroad. The girls worked in
private families. The total amount of their earnings was
$10,671.13.42

Superintendent Custer reported that very little had
been done on the school farm for the fiscal year, 1906-1907,
because the centrifugal pumps were not installed until late
spring. However, the building program had moved forward.
Perhaps the best warehouse in the service had just been

41. Annual Report, p. 13, (1906).

42. Ibid.

138 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

completed (a two-story brick building with an elevator)
meeting every requirement. Many new sidewalks had been
built. An entire new water system had been installed.43 All
installation work was done by the school. Work had just
begun on a mess hall and kitchen and a small boys' building.
A recommendation was made for a dormitory to be erected
in 1908 for the large boys. Mr. Custer spent considerable
time overseeing the construction work. He had forty men
working on the grounds44 besides the carpenter boys.

Except for an increased building program Mr. Custer
left the school as he had found it (the school had neither
gained nor lost by his superintendency) . And, neither
could the school expect to progress educationally, morally,
or physically under his guidance for he lacked the vision
that had characterized the administration of James K.
Allen.

(to be continued)

43. Albuquerque Morning Journal, Sept. 25, 1907, p. 8, col. 2.

44. The water system included an electric triplex pump for domestic supply and
centrifugal pump for irrigation.

THE USE OF SADDLES BY AMERICAN INDIANS
By D. E. WORCESTER*

THAT Indians always rode their horses bareback is a
common American belief, but one without basis in
fact. All of the tribes that had horses used saddles. The
saddles were of two main types ; the earliest used and most
common was patterned after that of the Spaniards. It had
a wooden tree and iron or rawhide-covered wooden stirrups.
The other type was composed merely of leather-covered pads
of animal hair, generally with stirrups of wood or of rope.
Some Indian saddles had a pommel of deer, elk, or buffalo
horn for hitching a rope. When Indians wanted to extend
their horses to the limit, they sometimes rode with nothing
but a robe over the animal's back.

The Apaches, one of the first of the Southwestern tribes
to acquire horses, copied Spanish riding gear whenever they
could not obtain saddles and bridles actually made by Span-
iards. They used bridles with Spanish bits, and had iron
stirrups on their saddles. Leather armor for themselves
and their mounts was also very similar to that used by the
Spanish soldiers of New Mexico.

The early French accounts of the Touacara (Wichita)
Indians on the Arkansas river mentioned saddles and
bridles, very well made, as well as leather armor.1

A description of the Hasinai Indians by Penicaut in
1714, told of their riding gear :

They have no other curb or bridal for their
horses than a piece of hair-rope; their stirrups
are made of the same material, which are fastened
to deer-skin, three or four in thickness, thus form-
ing their saddle.2

*The opinions contained herein are the private ones of the writer, and are not to
be construed as official or reflecting the views of the Navy Department or the naval
service at large. D. E. WORCESTER, Lt. SC USNR

1. P. Margry. Mgmoires et documents pour servir a I'histoire des origenes fran-
caisea des pays ffoutre-mer, (Paris, 1879-1888, 6v.). vi. 294.

2. B. F. French, ed., Historical collections of Louisiana and Florida . . . (New
York, 1869). 121.

139

140 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

The Indians of the Southeast acquired horses from the
Spanish settlements in Florida, and they consequently bor-
rowed the Spanish style of saddles and bridles. The
Cherokees, though not the first Southern Indians to possess
Spanish horses, were found in the 1770s to make saddles :

They are good sadlers, for they can finish a
saddle with their usual instruments, without any
kind of iron to bind the work ; but the shape of it is
so antiquated and mean, and so much like those of
the Dutch West-Indians, that a person would be led
to imagine they had formerly met, and been taught
the art in the same school. The Indians provide
themselves with a quantity of white oak boards,
and notch them, so as to fit the saddle-trees ; which
consist of two pieces before, and two behind cross-
ing each other in notches, about three inches below
the top end of the frame. Then they take a buifalo
green hide, covered with its winter curls, and hav-
ing properly shaped it to the frame, they sew it
with large thongs of the same skin, as tight and
secure as need be; when it is thoroughly dried, it
appears to have all the properties of a cuirass
saddle. A trimmed bearskin serves for a pad ; and
formerly, their bridle was only a rope around the
horse's neck, with which they guided him at
pleasure. Most of the Choktah use that method to
this day.3

When Anthony Hendry visit the Blackf eet in Canada in
1754, they had many horses. At night the animals were
turned out to graze, tied by long thongs of buffalo hide to
stakes driven into the ground. They had hair halters, buf-
falo-skin pads, and stirrups of the same material.4 Alex-
ander Henry commented on the saddles of the North Plains
Indians around 1800 :

The saddles those people use are of two kinds.
The one which I suppose to be of the most ancient
construction is made of wood well joined and
covered with raw buffalo hide, which in drying
binds every part tight. The frame rises about ten

3. S. C. Williams, ed., Adair's History of the American Indians, (Johnson City,
Tenn., 1930), 457.

4. L. J. Burpee, ed., The Search for the Western Sea . . . (New York, 1908), 130.

THE USE OF SADDLES BY AMERICAN INDIANS 141

inches before and behind; the tops are bent over
horizontally and spread out, forming a flat piece
about six inches in diameter. The stirrup, at-
tached to the frame by a leather thong, is a piece
of bent wood, over which is stretched raw buffalo
hide, making it firm and strong. When an Indian
is going to mount he throws his buffalo robe over
the saddle, and rides on it. The other saddle which
is the same as that of the Assiniboines and Crees,
is made by shaping two pieces of parchment on
dressed leather, about twenty inches long and four-
teen broad, through the length of which are sewed
two parallel lines three inches apart, on each side
of which the saddle is stuffed with moose or red
deer hair. Under each kind of saddle is placed two
or three folds of soft dressed buffalo skin to keep
the horse from getting a sore back.5

French traders who visited the Crees, learned as early
as 1753 that horses and saddles could be obtained from that
tribe.6 In 1790 the Mandans were known to use saddles
and bridles of Spanish style.

The Crow Indians had many horses, and were said to
be skilful in the making of saddles.

Their [the children's] saddles are so made as
to prevent falling either backwards or forwards,
the hind part reaching as high as between the
shoulders and the forepart of the breast. The
women's saddles are more especially so. Those of
the men are not quite so high, and many use
saddles such as the Canadians make in the North
West Country.

They are excellent riders. ... In war or hunt-
ing if they mean to exert their horses to the utmost
the[y] ride without a saddle. In their wheelings
and evolutions they are often not seen, having
only a leg on the horse's back and clasping the
horse with their arms around his neck, on the oppo-
site side to where the enemy is. Most of their
horses can be guided to any place without bridle
only by leaning to one side or the other [;] they

5. E. Coues, ed., New Light on the early history of the greater Northwest. The
manuscript journals of Alexander Henry . . . (New York, 1897, 3v.), ii, 526.

6. Margry. op. cit., vi 650-1.

142 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

turn immediately to the side on which you lean, and
will not bear turning until you resume a direct
posture.7

In 1787, David Thompson saw about thirty horses that
the Piegans had taken in a raid on a Spanish caravan far
to the south of their country, and he described the Spanish
saddles :

The saddles were larger than our english sad-
dles, the side leather twice as large of thick well
tanned leather of a chocolate color with the figures
of flowers as if done by a hot iron, the bridles had
snaffle bits, heavy and coarse as if done by a black-
smith with only his hammer.8

West of the Rocky Mountains the Indians used the same
methods in making saddles as those of the tribes previously
mentioned. Sergeant Gass, one of the members of the Lewis
and Clark expedition, left this description of the saddles of
the Walla Wallas found near the Koos-Kooshe river :

The frames of their saddles are made of wood
nicely jointed, and then covered with raw skins,
which when they become dry, bind every part tight,
and keep the joints in their places. The saddles
rise very high before and behind, in the manner of
the saddles of the Spaniards, from whom they no
doubt received the form. . . . When the Indians are
going to mount they throw their buffalo robes over
the saddles and ride on them, as the saddles would
otherwise be too hard.9

G. Franchere observed the Salishans, and made a de-
tailed account of their saddles.

For a bridle they use a cord of horse-hair,
which they attach round the animals mouth; with
that he is easily checked, and by laying the hand
on his neck, is made to wheel to this side or that.
The saddle is a cushion of stuffed deer-skin, very

7. L. J. Burpee, ed., Journal of Larocque from the Assiniboine to the Yellowstone,
1805 (Ottawa, 1910), 64.

8. J. B. Tyrrell, ed., David Thompson's narrative of his explorations in western
America, 1784-1812 (Toronto, 1916), 371.

9. P. Gass, Gass' journal of the Lewis and Clark expedition (Chicago, 1904). 235-
236.

THE USE OF SADDLES BY AMERICAN INDIANS 143

suitable for the purpose to which it is destined,
rarely hurting- the horse, and not fatiguing its
rider so much as our European saddles. The stir-
rups are pieces of hardwood, ingeniously wrought,
and of the same shape as those which are used in
civilized countries. They are covered with a piece
of deer-skin which is sewed on wet, and in drying
stiffens and becomes hard and firm. The saddles
for women differ in form, being furnished with
the antler of a deer, so as to resemble the high
pommelled saddle of the Mexican ladies. . . . The
form of the saddles used by the females, proves
that they have taken their pattern from the Span-
ish ones. . . .10

From the above accounts it can be inferred that the
Indians of the horse-using tribes of the present United
States generally used saddles. Probably the widespread
belief that Indians were bareback riders grew out of some
artists' conceptions of Indian horsemen. The Hollywood
version of the American redskin has followed the erroneous
notion that saddles were unknown to the Indians. Actually
there were very skillful saddle-makers among all the horse-
using tribes, and very few instances when Indians chose to
ride without saddles.

10. R. G. Thwaites, ed., Early western travels, 1748-1846 . , . (Cleveland, 1904-07,
32v.), vi, 340-341.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849
Notes from the Diary of William H. Chamberlin

(continued)
Edited by Lansing B. Bloom

CHAPTER VIII

Wednesday, June 13. — We are within six miles of the
old Santa Fe gold placer ; some of our men visited it ; found
some emigrants encamped there; they took a small basin
with them, and in one washing procured at least fifty cents
worth of pure gold.40 Time passes very tediously when
lying in camp in such a desolate country as this.

Thursday, June 14. — Green, Howard and myself re-
turned to Santa Fe to-day, for the purpose of purchasing
a few articles we had forgotten, and procuring additional
information regarding our route. A large company that
had started on the Spanish trail have returned, finding it
impossible to cross the streams, which are very much swol-
len. They lost a great deal of baggage and provisions in
their unsuccessful attempts; they are preparing to go the
southern route.

Friday, June 15. — Lodged during the night at the U. S.
hotel. Had a cot but no bedding. The fleas which abound
here, annoyed me very much, and I passed a restless night.
Indulged in a glass of what they call ice cream (it deserved
no such name), and paid 50 cents for it. Left town about
12 o'clock to-day, and reached camp about sundown, a dis-
tance of 30 miles. Met some very heavy trading teams, on
their way to town from Chihuahua.41

Saturday, June 16. — Had a slight shower last night,
which is the first rain that has fallen upon us for months.
The rainy season is about setting in here, which lasts until
some time in August. Everything here appears to be suf-
fering from drought. Find employment in fitting up our
packs, and arranging to start on the morrow. Our packs
do not average more than 150 pounds to each animal. The

40. On the placers, see note 34 supra. The best description of them comes from
Wizlizenus, quoted by Twitchell, Leading Facts of N. Mex. History, II, 180-2, note 123.

41. Evidently the road east through Tijeras Canon and north through the moun-
tains to Santa Fe was then more in favor than the older road which continued north
from Albuquerque and then reached the higher level by way either of the Rio de
Galisteo or the Rio de Santa Fe.

144

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 145

Mexicans frequently pack from 300 to 400. We are anxious
to move.

Sunday, June 17. — Did not start this morning, on ac-
count of Walter Winston, who returned to Santa Fe, to
remain there until he recovers from a severe asthma, which
he has been afflicted with since the early part of the journey.
The Louisiana mess came up and encamped with us to-day.
We now number about the same as before.42

Monday, June 18. — After a long delay, everything being
in readiness we started about 9 o'clock this morning. The
Virginia mess had a great deal of difficulty, their packs
falling off, turning, etc.; they packed upon "aparahoes,"
and we had Indian pack-saddles, the latter are more simple
and suited our purpose better, not being skilled in the art.43
We travelled a few miles up the valley, then took a S.W.
course through the mountains, following a trail. Found no
water until we reached the new placers, where we encamped.
These mines are said to yield abundantly, but owing to the
scarcity of water, they cannot be worked to advantage. At
present, the few men that are at work, employ Mexicans to
pack the water up, upon asses, a distance of three miles. I
saw a vial full of the ore, that was worth $177. A few days
ago, a man found two pieces that weighed $19.20. There
are a number of miserable adobe buildings here, and about
150 inhabitants. We saw an old mountaineer here, whom
we endeavored to employ as guide; but he said he would
rather roam through the mountains, with his rifle, and
when hungry kill a deer, lay beside it and eat until satisfied,
and then continue on his lonely way ; traveling with mules,
he said, looked too much like work. Procured some eggs,
milk and fresh bread here; very poor grazing. Distance,
20 miles— 902.

Tuesday, June 19. — Started about 12 o'clock. The road
is tolerably good; the country very mountainous. Passed
through San Pedro,44 a small ranchero containing about a
dozen houses, about sixty acres of land under cultivation;
the wheat looks well, about 15 inches high. Encamped near
a ranch, where we found a spring of water, but no grass.

42. For the number and personnel, see the entry of May 4 supra.

43. The aparejo was of Spanish origin and consisted of a wide leather pad,
stuffed with hay or grass, which went across the back of the animal and some dis-
tance down the sides. It was secured by a cinch made of grass or leather and drawn
as tight as possible. See Davis, El Gringo, 77. Just what the difference was between
Spanish and Indian types is not clear.

44. This San Pedro must have been a little settlement near San Pedro Moun-
tain, passed before they reached San Antonio. Lieut. J. W. Albert (Oct., 1846)
visited San Pedro and a nearby copper mine, not then being worked. Twitchell,
op. cit., II, 182-3, note 124.

146 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Saw some pine to-day, and a few oak saplings. This place
is called San Antonio. There is an American living here,
who is very comfortably situated in his adobe house; he
raises grain, vegetables, etc., and makes lumber by horse
power, for which he finds a ready market at Santa Fe.
Distance, 15 miles — 917.

Wednesday, June 20. — Our course S.W., through the
mountains. We passed through San Antonio, containing
about 150 inhabitants, and San Pedro, of about the same
size.45 We traveled down the bed of a dry stream for
several miles, and through some canons, the mountains on
either side towering above the clouds. About 1 o'clock we
emerged upon a large plain, sloping westward to the waters
of the Rio Grande ; here we had a beautiful display of that
strange phenomena of nature, "mirage." We imagined we
distinctly saw the waters of the river, long before we came
in sight of it, which we did not reach until 5 o'clock.46 We
encamped on the flat, near the town of Albuquerque.47 This
noble river, so celebrated in history of late years, is nearly
a mile wide at this point.48 Its waters have been higher this
season than ever known before, and although considerably
abated, is still very much swollen, and more than bank full
in many places. A pack-mule company of 80 men are about
crossing at this place; they ferry their baggage and swim
their mules.49 The current is very swift, the water cold,
and of a muddy or turbid nature. Albuquerque contains
about 300 inhabitants and is the most cleanly, respectable
looking Mexican village we have yet seen. There is a de-
tachment of U. S. soldiers quartered here. Two American
gentlemen, Messrs. West and Beard, from Kentucky, settled
here two years ago. They purchased the governor's palace

45. The mention of San Pedro after passing San Antonio must have been a
slip by Chamberlin. Probably he meant Tijeras, where the road emerged in the
main canon and turned west, winding down towards the Rio Grande and Albuquerque.

46. With the seasonal high water of late June, there is little doubt that they
did actually see the river ; they were fooled simply by thinking it was nearer than
it really was.

47. This was Old Town, of course. New Albuquerque did not spring up until
the coming of the railroad in the 1880's.

48. "Nearly a mile wide" shows how the river impressed the diarist ; and anyone
who has seen and heard the Rio Grande when it is "rolling along" in flood can
appreciate his sensations.

49. So far as known, there was no bridge at this time at any point of the Rio
Grande in New Mexico. Some attempt at bridging was made in Spanish and Mexican
times, but probably the first permanent bridge was a military bridge at Bernalillo
in Civil War times — a crude but sturdy piece of work which served for some sixty
years, until replaced by a modern bridge. See L. B. Bloom, Early Bridges in TTew
Mexico (Papers, School of American Research, Santa Fe).

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 147

and expect to make a fortune in a few years.50 Labor is
worth from $3 to $4 per month here, put of which the
man is obliged to board himself. There is no wood in the
neighborhood of the place, and it is worth about $30 per
American cord; we paid $1.50 for enough to cook our
supper and breakfast. The tillable land (what there is of
it) produces well, and large herds of cattle, horses, mules,
sheep and goats, feed upon the grass along the banks of the
river; vegetables grow well here, and fruit comes to the
greatest perfection. Distance, 25 miles — 942.

Thursday, June 21. — Woke up this morning with my
face very much swollen, caused by sleeping upon the damp
ground, which had lately been overflowed. This morning a
Dutchman by the name of John Franklin joined our com-
pany; he was very anxious to travel with us, being alone,
and we took him along, more out of compassion than any
other consideration. (He was a Polander by birth, and
proved a very good fellow.) Started down the river this
morning, which runs a due southern course. For the most
part of the time we traveled through very heavy sand beds
and hills, which was drifting, and almost suffocated us at
times. This is the nature of the high ground on the east

50. By "the governor's palace" is meant the residence in Old Alburquerque of
ex-Governor Manuel Armijo. Lieut. W. H. Emory, en route with General Kearny
for California, entered in his Notes of a Military Reconnoisance, p. 46 :

At Albuquerque I was directed to call and see Madame Armijo, and ask
her for the map of New Mexico, belonging to her husband, which she had
in her possession. I found her ladyship sitting on an ottoman smoking,
after the fashion of her country-women, within reach of a small silver
vase filled with coal. She said she had searched for the map without success ;
if not in Santa Fe, her husband must have taken it with him to Chihuahua.
The above visit was made late in September of 1846 ; if the purchase here men-
tioned was made two years before Chamberlin saw the town, it would appear that
the sale was effected in 1847 and therefore before the end of the Mexican War.
However, other facts make it improbable that the deal could have occurred before
the winter of 1848-49. From 1849 and until his death in 1854, Manuel Armijo made
his residence in Lemitar, some miles north of Socorro.

The West here mentioned is, we are inclined to believe, Elias P. West who was
one of the thirteen men who constituted the Convention of October 10, 1848 in
Santa Fe. W. G. Ritch, in his Blue Book, shows him as attorney general in 1848-52
and U. S. attorney in 1851-53.

By "Beard," Chamberlin probably means Spruce M. Baird, although "Judge"
Baird (as he was generally known) did not arrive in New Mexico until November
1848. If he was from Kentucky, he came by way of Texas — for he arrived with a
commission from the authorities of that state to organize into counties of Texas all
that part of New Mexico which lay east of the Rio Grande and to which the Republic
of Texas (in 1836) had asserted boundary claims. The military commandant at
Santa Fe bluntly advised him not to attempt to carry out this object. Baird reported
the situation back to the Texas authorities, and then apparently decided to settle
down in New Mexico. Various data indicate that he located in Albuquerque, al-
though W. W. H. Davis was entertained overnight at his ranch down the valley
towards Peralta. See El Gringo ( 1938 ed. ) , p. 197.

148 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

side of the river. As far as the eye can reach nothing but
a bleak, barren continuation of sand hills is visible. We
encamped this evening in a cottonwood grove, near a pool
of water ; had pretty good grazing for our animals. There
is a large Mexican ranch near us, fine vineyard, fruit trees,
etc.; the grove reminds me of an old Pennsylvania apple
orchard — all but the fruit. Captain Jennifer lost his pack
mule this morning, with all his effects, and broke down his
riding mule in search of it. Assembled this evening for
the purpose of reorganizing our company, and electing a
captain, Major Green's term of office having expired when
we reached the Rio Grande. After agreeing upon certain
rules and regulations for the government of the company,
James H. Dixon, of Baton Rouge, La., was duly nominated
and elected captain, until we reached the "diggings." Dis-
tance, 21 miles— 963.

Friday, June 22. — Today we passed through Puerto,51
and several smaller Mexican towns, which are scarcely
worth a description, having about the same appearance
and characteristics ; saw some Indians along the river, who
I suppose live upon fish; their huts consist of a few poles
set upright, and tied together at the top, over which are
thrown a few loose skins; they are almost naked, and are
wretched looking objects.52 The channel of the river fre-
quently narrows to 150 yards, where it runs very rapid,
boiling, foaming and roaring, as its turbulent waters rush
along. The sand hills frequently extend into the river,
obliging us to cross them, and at times we cannot find the
road for the drifting sand. We encamped on a flat, on the
bank of the Rio Grande, where we had pretty good grazing
for our stock, but were very much annoyed by mosquitoes,
which swarm along the river in myriads, ready to attack
any "flesh and blood" that may come in their way. Distance,
25 miles — 988.

Saturday, June 23. — After passing a sleepless night,
we were called up at 4 o'clock this morning ; brought up our
mules, eat breakfast, packed, and started at 6. Passed
through Sabino,53 and other Mexican towns. Very unwell
today; suffered very much from cold in my head, and a

51. They were keeping down the east side of the river, and in "Puerto" we
should probably recognize "Peralta," although the distance from Albuquerque is
somewhat overstated.

52. We infer that these were Indians of the pueblo of Isleta who were out in
their summer shelters — to protect their corn and melons from '49ers and other
passers-by.

53. He doubtless means Sabinal, although that town was on the west side of
the river. Perhaps he confused it with La Joya.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 149

healed jaw, which produced a severe headache. I had a
chill during the forenoon, and notwithstanding the sun
was almost insufferably hot to the others, I was compelled
to wear my overcoat. In the afternoon I had a smart fever,
and frequently felt as though I would fall from my horse;
I longed to reach an encamping place, which we did not
find until dark. We stopped at noon on the bank of the river,
where the grass appeared very good, but after unpacking
and turning our stock loose to graze, we found that they
would not eat it, being of a salty nature ; we were exposed
to the rays of a burning sun, without a particle of shade,
and almost devoured by famished mosquitoes; they also
attacked our stock, which threatened to "stampede;" and
we were soon glad to repack, and continue our toilsome
journey. Encamped near a small Mexican town,54 where
we were supplied by the inhabitants with eggs at 3 bits a
dozen, and goat's milk at 2 bits a quart. I was pretty near
a "used-up" lad when I reached camp. Distance, 35 miles —
1023.

Sunday, June 24. — Remained in camp today. I busied
myself in reading Emory's Route from the Rio Grande to
California;55 the journey is a more perilous one than I had
any idea of, having never read a description of the Gila
river route before. The citizens of the town have got up a
Fandango this evening for our especial benefit, and invited
all hands. After supper we started up. The senoretas did
not make their "entree" until 9 o'clock. We found many of
the inhabitants sleeping outside their dwellings for comfort,
with small fires beside them to drive away the mosquitos.
All the dwellings, walls, fences, etc., we have yet seen in
New Mexico are composed of adobes. We frequently see
the women upon the flat house tops, in the evening, with a
shawl over their heads (their only headdress), reminding
me of Bible descriptions of the manners and customs of the
inhabitants of the east. Their agricultural implements are
of the rudest kind; the most important article is a large
steel hoe, (brought from the States), with which they build
houses, cultivate crops, etc. It answers the several pur-
poses of shovel, trowel and hoe. Their plow consists of a

54. The party was still on the east side of the Rio Grande, and from the follow-
ing notes it is evident that this little town was across from Lemitar, — although
the distance from Albuquerque (81 miles) is again overstated.

55. Young Chamberlin had gotten hold of a copy of Senate Executive Document
No. 7, of the 30th Congress, 1st Session. This was Notes of a Military Reconnaissance,
from Fort Leavenworth, in Missouri, to San Diego, in California, including parts of
the Arkansas, Del Norte, and Gila Rivers, by W. H. Emory. It had been published
in Washington jn 1848, only the year before these '49ers had started their journey.

150 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

simple piece of crooked timber, with one handle, to which
they attach a yoke of oxen, and stir up the earth. Their
wagons are a more clumsy, uncouth looking machine than
I could have imagined. The wheels are cut out of a solid
log, and the whole cart is made without an ounce of iron.

Monday, June 25. — Reached Tome about 9 o'clock this
morning, and prepared to cross the river.56 It is about 250
yards wide, and very rapid, at this point. The ferryman
owned a large "dug out," in which ourselves and baggage
were crossed in safety, for the trifling sum of $8 ; we gave
several Mexicans $3 to swim over with our animals. Every-
thing was landed upon the opposite side, which occupied
the remainder of the day, and we encamped upon the bank ;
slept within ten feet of the water and had a cool breeze off
the river. Exchanged saddles with a Mexican today. Dis-
tance, 6 miles — 1029.

Tuesday, June 26. — Started early; passed through
Lamatad [Lemitar], which is situated opposite Tome. Af-
ter traveling a few miles, encamped within a short distance
of Socoro;57 but finding the grazing poor, we concluded
to move to town, which we did this evening and encamped
on the river, half a mile from the place, where we found
good grass. We intend remaining here a day or two, to
purchase and exchange mules, hire a guide to the Gila
river, and supply ourselves with a few necessary articles,
preparatory to setting out upon our yet long and somewhat
hazardous journey, this being the last place of any conse-
quence we will meet with. Distance, 8 miles — 1037.

Wednesday, June 27. — Socoro contains about 200 or
300 inhabitants. There is a company of U. S. dragoons
stationed here. The 'flat on the river here is almost a mile
wide, affording a good stock range. There appears to be
but little land under cultivation about the place. The
Mexicans are very indolent, and would rather starve "a
little" than work; the amount of food necessary to keep
an American alive, would feast half a dozen "greasers."
Socoro is a poor, destitute place. Some of our company
succeeded in getting a little coarse corn melt [meal] at $6
per cwt. We exchanged seven pick axes, that we had brought
from home for 4 pounds of sugar, the lot; jerked buffalo
meat, 25 cents per pound;58 no mules for sale or barter;

EG. This is another confusion of placenames, for the only known "Tome" had
been passed a few miles south of Peralta.

57. It is interesting to find Chamberlin following Emory's Notes (Oct. 5, 1846
et seq.) in the spelling of "Socorro."

58. "Jerked buffalo meat" as a commodity for sale would suggest that consid-
erable amounts were regularly packed in from the distant plains country to the east.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 151

we can procure no guide at this place. A heavy shower
threatened us, but ended in a gust of wind. Mr. Aubrey's
teams came up, and encamped on the opposite side of the
river.59 The Virginian exchanged some animals with him.

Thursday, June 28. — Did not strike camp until 10
o'clock. When passing through Socoro, the mule that Fer-
nando was riding threw him. "He thought himself killed,"
but after examining, we found that he was not seriously
hurt; settled with him, gave him a present of five dollars,
and left him in charge of a nurse. Continued our course
down the river, passing through Lopez and San Antonio.60
I met an old Mexican wood dealer, who offered me the best
mule in his "caballada" and an old carbine, made in Lan-
caster, Pa., for my rifle. I needed the mule, but after a
second thought, concluded not to part with my old friend.
We tried to exchange our horses for mules at San Antonio,
but the "greaser" asked two prices for his animals, and we
were rather scarce on funds. We encamped on the river;
had good grass, lots of mosquitoes, and used up a Mexican
sheep-fold for fuel. Cloudy during the day, with a slight
sprinkle of rain, which continued all night. Distance, 24
miles— 1061.

Friday, June 29. — Remained in camp today. Engaged
a Spaniard at San Antonio, to guide us as far as the Gila
river, for which we are to pay him $60. We are anxious
to be on the way, but our stock needs recruiting, and we are
obliged to give them time. This evening we were "drawn
out in military order" for the purpose of inspecting fire-
arms, as we are soon to enter the country of the Apache
Indians, and it is thought prudent to be on the lookout. We
number 33 persons, and can fire 113 rounds at one dis-
charge, besides which, we are pretty well armed with
knives, etc. We also passed resolutions, with regard to
the order of traveling, which will do "if observed." Our
stock numbers 85 head, which we purpose driving in three
separate gangs, but as compact as possible; two m£h are
to ride some distance in advance of the company, as a
"front guard," and four behind, as a "rear guard," the
balance to lead and drive the mules. If any are obliged to

59. The better road for wagons continued down the east side and so reached
the old stretch across the Jornada del Muerto. The lack of any further comment
on Aubry suggests that he was heading for California with freight. Foreman (op. cit.,
265) quotes from a letter dated June 12, 1849 at "Rio Suienna" (?), about 60 miles
from Santa Fe : ". . . The American merchants at Santa Fe have sent on a large train
of wagons and pack mules to California . . ."

60. "Lopez" is not identified, but San Antonio was the site of an early Piro
pueblo and of a Franciscan mission from the early seventeenth century.

152 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

stop to arrange packs, etc., the rear guard is not to pass
them, but remain until this is done. A night watch to be
appointed by the captain, whatever number may be re-
quired, to be on duty two hours each, also a person from
each mess, to guard the stock, morning and evening, while
grazing. Our guide came on this morning, but rain pre-
vented our starting today.

CHAPTER IX

Saturday, June 30. — Rain during the night, very dis-
agreeable ; having no tent, or any kind of shelter, it is with
difficulty we manage to keep our baggage and provisions
dry. Started at 10 o'clock and travelled until 6, down the
western side of the river. There is nothing but a trail to
follow, and it would be impossible for wagons to get along
here. The bottom land along the river becomes narrower
as we travel down, and in many places the bluffs or table
lands extend to the bank of the river. The country extend-
ing back is very broken and ends in a lofty chain of moun-
tains ; the appearance is very barren, but a short, dry grass
grows here, which affords good pasture for sheep. The
hills and plains are covered with a great variety of mezquite
and other bushes, plants and flowers peculiar to the country,
which are apparently all of a stunted growth. As we
proceed down the river, the growth of cotton wood on its
banks becomes more extensive, by which we can see the
course of the river when a great distance from it. We
encamped on the bank, where we had plenty of grass, wood
and water. We are obliged to use the water of the Rio
Grande, which would be excellent if filtered; the current
carries a great quantity of sand with it, which makes the
water dirty. Distance, 28 miles — 1089.

Sunday, July 1. — Several very heavy showers last
night; ourselves, blankets and everything else completely
saturated. It was very cold during the night, which made
it still worse. We suffered "awfully" and this morning
look like a set of "drowned rats." We are obliged to lay
by to-day for the purpose of drying out. The sun is favor-
ing us by shining out clear and warm. By 10 o'clock our
baggage was dry and ready for packing, but the majority
of the company preferred lounging in camp to travelling.
We are now out of the "settlements," our stock of pro-
visions is light, and we can procure no more until we reach
California. With the many examples of suffering and star-
vation on similar trips before us, it appears to me that it
should be of the utmost importance to improve every

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 153

moment that we can, without injury to our stock; but many
persons are so indifferent to the future that they will not
act until forced by "stern necessity." By Lieut. Emory's
description, we suppose we are encamped upon the spot
where Gen. Kearney stopped several days to pack and
send his wagons back to Santa Fe ; it is opposite Fra Chris-
tobal mountain, and the flat contains about 200 acres.

Monday, July 2. — Started at 7 o'clock this morning
and made a pretty hard day's march ; heat very oppressive.
We kept down the river, but for the most part of the day
[our trail] was over the bluffs and through the arroyos
that extend into it. The ascent and descent was very steep
and rocky, which fatigued some of our stock and the packs
frequently became disarranged ; some of the company came
into camp long after the main body. Game is very scarce;
grass tolerable. Distance, 30 miles — 1119.

Tuesday, July 3. — Travelled down the river 12 miles,
and then bid farewell to the muddy waters of the Rio Grande
del Norte, without a regret, although the road before us
will no doubt be more difficult, and toil and suffering may
be in store for us. Where we turned off there is a small
flat, a high mountain on the opposite side, and the river
canons immediately below. We suppose this is the place
where Gen. Kearney left the Rip Grande. Our course is
now S.W. We ascended a very high bluff and the country
for some distance appeared level, but we soon found out
to the contrary. We crossed some very deep and difficult
arroyos, which was very fatiguing to ourselves and animals.
Encamped in one of these tremendous gulches, at a distance
of 12 miles from the Rio Grande. The water is very fine,
warm when we stopped but cooled after sun-down; it is
the best we have used for a long while. There is a variety
of trees in this ravine, among them oak and walnut, both
the trunks and fruits of which would be considered a bur-
lesque upon the same species in Pennsylvania.61 We caught
a few small fish in the stream, which tasted "natural." The
water sinks a short distance below our camp. The country
along the Rio Grande, at this point, is very broken but does
not present as forbidding an aspect as those vast plains
along the Canadian river. There is here a good deal of
timber in the ravines and the plains are covered with a
variety of shrubbery, cactus, beargrass and gramma, a
species of dry grass which is said to be very nutritious feed
for animals. Distance, 24 miles — 1143.

Wednesday, July 4. — No firing of cannon, ringing of

61. The description sounds as if the party was here in Nogal Canon.

154 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

bells, or other demonstration of joy this morning in this
wild glen, to remind us, as formerly, of the dawn of the
anniversary of our national birthday. Instead of making
preparations to celebrate this ever welcome holiday in a
manner most agreeable to ourselves, we are obliged to pack
up, and be under way at 7 o'clock. Instead of listening to
a patriotic oration, or joining in a picnic on the green amidst
the fair forms and sweet smiles of the dear girls, the inces-»
sant "huppah mulah" is ringing in our ears as we plod
along over the barren waste, or wend our way up and down
the rocky heights. Instead of a bounteous dinner with our
friends, or indulging in ice cream, mint julips, etc., we are
confined to a scanty allowance of the bare necessaries of
life, and wretched water from our heated canteens; and
instead of being with and amongst our friends and ac-
quaintances, enjoying all we are wont to do on similar oc-
casions, we are an isolated band of adventurers, far away
from civilization, in the midst of a savage country, inhabited
by Indians, who are noted for their warlike and thievish
propensities. But all this does not discourage us, although
before starting from home we expected to eat a Fourth of
July dinner in San Francisco. Our course is "westward,"
pur watchword "onward," and we are determined as ever
in prosecuting our journey, in hopes of reaching our des-
tination, at least, "before the close of the year." The general
appearance of the country much as yesterday. We stopped
at noon in a small valley covered with tule, in which there
was a pond of water.62 Capt. Dixon called us together, as
he said, to give us a 4th of July speech, instead of which,
he tendered his resignation as captain of the company,
saying that he had been elected for a week, and more than
that time had expired. There was some misunderstanding
about the matter. However, we elected him over again by
a unanimous vote. When about leaving our nooning place,
we were visited by a smart shower. Some of our stock is
already "jaded," and we are determined to lighten pur
packs by abandoning every article we can dispense with.
This evening we made a bon fire of books, clothing, etc. We
have tolerable water at this encampment, and our stock is
feeding upon gramma. Distance, 20 miles — 1163.

Thursday, July 5. — Ascending a long, narrow valley
this morning, with a broken range of mountains on either
side ; at the head of this gentle slope we found a spring of
cool, delicious water, and also met a family of Apaches.
They were apparently much frightened on first seeing

62. Perhaps we may identify this stop with the "Lake Valley" of today.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 155

us, but saluted us in Spanish with the word "buena" (good) ,
and made many signs of friendship. We returned the salu-
tation, after which they came up to us. They spoke Spanish
pretty well, and Capt. Dixon held a long talk with them,
through our guide and interpreter. They said that any
number of Americans could pass through their country
without molestation, if they (the Americans) did not first
give offense or trespass upon their natural rights. How
much this can be relied upon is unknown, for they are said
to be very deceitful Indians. I have no doubt, however,
that in more than half the difficulties with the Indians,
their enemies are the first aggressors. There was eight in
number — the old chief, his squaw, and children, all mounted
on ponies; they had one gun, and all were armed with
bows and arrows. Their dress was similar to that of the
Indians on the frontiers of the States, except the blankets
and some other articles, which were of Mexican manufac-
ture. They were all bare-headed. The old squaw rode astride
her animal, with a large basket of pannier lashed on each
side, in one of which lay a papoose, as well contented as
though rocked in the finest cradle of the east, encased with
down. Their moccasins were beautiful, made of buff buck-
skin, and displayed a good bit of skill in the manufacture.
After leaving the spring we crossed a high, dividing ridge,
and descending by an indifferent trail through a long, rocky
defile, between the mountains, for a distance of 10 miles.
Our animals suffered severely and Mr. Burrell abandoned
his riding horse, which had become entirely useless. We
met several Mexicans driving a lot of sore-backed, broken-
down horses and mules, which we suppose they had picked
up along the trail, having been abandoned by parties of
emigrants in advance of us. They have no doubt been
brought here from the States, and if grazed for a few
months will make first-rate stock. Encamped on the Rio
Mimbres, a small mountain stream of clear, excellent water.
We caught some of the trout which abound in it; they do
not resemble the mountain trout of the States, being a
black, scaly fish, and take the bait very freely. Our encamp-
ment is at the foot of the Dome — a mountain so named by
Lieut. Emory, which is very appropriate from its peculiar
shape.63 There is a fine growth of grass on the flat, at
which our stock is feasting. The Rio Mimbres is skirted
with cottonwood, walnut and other timber. For several

63. This landmark was doubtless what is better known as "Cooke's Peak." Cooke
brought his famous wagon-train this way some weeks later than Emory made his
notes.

156 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

days we have been giving away, abandoning and making
bon fires of as many articles as we conclude we can dispense
with, for the purpose of reducing pur packs. Our guide
has "cached" a great many goods which we have given him,
and intends packing them home on his return. He will be
better supplied with cooking utensils, tools, clothing, etc.,
than any Spaniard I saw in New Mexico. Rain this evening.
Distance, 22 miles — 1185.

Friday, July 6. — On account of rain we did not start
until 3 o'clock p.m. This morning we were visited by 12
Apaches, mounted upon fine ponies, armed with lances,
bows, and arrows and knives. Some of our men showed
an eagerness to trade with them, which they took advantage
of and we could not effect a single exchange. We gave them
a number of small presents and they remained about our
camp until we started. One of the men wore an American
officer's "military undress" coat, for which he said he had
given a fine mule. He appeared very dignified in his foreign
dress. We took 'a trail to the left of the Dome; Kearney's
route being on the right. We leave the copper and gold
mines on the north, about a day's journey distant.64 Saw
several flocks of quails ; they differ from those of the States
in color, are somewhat larger, make a different noise, and
the male bird has a beautiful "top knot" on the head. Our
course lies over a comparatively level country. Passed
through a deserted Indian village of about 50 wigwams;
these consist of small rods or poles stuck in the ground at
one end and lashed together with bark at the other, in the
form of a bake oven, and about the same size; this frame
is covered with grass. The grass on the plains is now dead,
giving them the appearance of old stubble fields. Encamped
on a tule swamp without wood, obtained a little water, "such
as it was," by digging a hole at the edge of the swamp and
leaving it stand until settled. Distance, 15 miles — 1200.

CHAPTER X

Saturday, July 7. — Started at daylight, intending to
stop at the first wood and water we came to, but did not
find any until 10 o'clock, when we encamped on a small
ravine, near a spring of pretty good water. This was a
hard day's march on our animals. Howard's riding horse
gave out this afternoon, and he was obliged to leave him
behind. Shortly after reaching our camping place we en-

64. This reference to the Santa Rita copper mines would indicate that the party
swung to the south perhaps more than was necessary.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 157

tered a narrow defile down which runs a small rill of clear
water, surrounded on all sides by wild, savage-looking hills
and mountains. We followed down the ravine for some
distance in hopes of finding some grass for our animals.
Maj. Green and Fox were some distance behind the com-
pany, bringing up a jaded mule, when suddenly several
mounted Indians emerged from the hills and rushed upon
them with poised lances. We being at too great distance
to render them any aid in time concluded that it was "all
day with them," when the foremost Indian rode up along-
side the Major and handed him a small paper, containing
the articles of a "treaty" with the Americans, which was
signed by some unknown persons. By this time other In-
dians began making their appearance around us, coming
upon us from all quarters, simultaneously, rising out of
the earth, as it were. They were all on horseback and well
armed with guns, lances and bows and arrows. From their
hostile appearance and manoeuvering we concluded that
they meditated an attack upon us. As quickly as possible
we "herded" our pack animals, around which we placed
ourselves as guard, and commenced loading our guns and
making preparations to repel an attack, in case any should
be made. Seeing the cool manner in which we received
their visits they made signs of friendship, and directed us
to a good camping place. We did not put much confidence
in their pretensions and watched them closely. They re-
mained at a respectful distance until we had unpacked and
prepared to cook supper; they then came around us and
showed a disposition to trade. In the meanwhile a number
of squaws had made their appearance, all seated astride
their ponies leading mules and carrying baskets containing
jerked horse meat and mezcal, which they wished to ex-
change for clothing, etc. This mezcal is prepared out of
the bulb of a large plant of the same name, which is baked
in a kiln and cut up into small slices to dry. It has a sweet-
ish taste and is no doubt very nutritious, being their
principal article of food. The mezcal wine, so common in
Mexico, is a product of the same plant. We exchanged a
number of worn-out stock for fresh, giving one, two and
three for a good mule, and always some clothing, pistols
or something else into the bargain. They had some very
fine mules, but preferred horses, which favored us in
exchanging. They were very eager to get strips or patches
of red flannel, but preferred a white shirt to a red one.
We procured a fine mule (American) of them, which had
been left by Gen. Kearney three years ago. They were
dressed in a variety of styles; some of the men wore a

158 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

headdress trimmed with gray feathers, but the majority,
and all the squaws, were bare-headed. What few articles
of clothing they had were principally Mexican goods. Some
of them wore buckskin shirts, others a simple breech cloth
"girt about their loins," while the children were entirely
naked. They all wore moccasins, some of which extended
almost to the knees. Some of their horses are "shod" with
rawhide, to protect the hoof from the sharp stones. One
of the squaws had a child lashed fast in a very roughly
constructed wicker basket, which she swung upon her back
by means of a band across her forehead. Out of curiosity
some of us took particular notice of the papoose, caressing
it, etc., which instead of flattering the mother, amused her
very much. I suppose that their "lords" never deign to
notice the papoose, thinking it out of place, unmanly, and
beneath their dignity. Like all other Indian tribes, the
females are the drudges. There was a boy amongst their
number, about fifteen years old, that particularly attracted
our attention. The color of his hair, complexion, features,
etc., plainly bespoke that he was the child of white parents.
By what means he came amongst these roving savages, is
more than we can learn, but he was no doubt stolen by
them when very young, for he cannot speak English and is
not a Mexican. He appears more intelligent than the rest,
who paid him a great deal of deference, consulting him in
all their trades. He appeared very intimate with a good
looking squaw of about the same age, who seemed to share
his superiority. Her features were regular, with a fine,
intelligent expression of countenance, only wanting a be-
coming dress to give her a civilized appearance. The rest
of the squaws were of low stature, coarse featured and un-
comely. The old chief visited our camp in the evening and
after holding a talk respecting our road through his coun-
try, etc., ordered his people to leave, and in a few moments
not an Indian was to be seen. The squaws carried off the
newly acquired goods, animals, etc.; the men mounted the
horses and rode at full speed. It surprised us to see the
spirit and animation which our jaded animals assumed
in the hands of their new masters. They rode without a
bridle, and are the most expert horsemen we have yet seen,
excelling the New Mexicans. While exchanging for a mule
which had a squaw in charge, she saw me display to an-
other a lot of red beads ; after the bargain for the mule was
closed, she gave me to understand that she wanted the
beads she had seen as a reward for her interest in the
trade, and would have all the beads or keep the mule. Of
course I was obliged to yield, for procuring fresh animals

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 159

was of utmost importance to us. They are very avaricious
and have little regard for their word of honor when self-
interest is at stake. They care nothing about money and
prefer a new brass button to a half eagle. They had a little
money among them, but did not know the value of it. We
had one display, of "etiquette" worthy of imitation by a more
civilized race of people. While the old chief was holding
his talk with our captain, the Mexican guide ventured to
say something on the subject, when the chief ordered him
to "hold his tongue," saying that it was enough for one
man to speak at once. Aware of their reported treachery,
and not putting much confidence in their protestations of
friendship, we doubled our night guard, but were not
molested. In the morning we found a few small articles
had been stolen while trading with them; but upon the
whole, our falling in with this band of savages was the
most fortunate circumstance that happened to us on the
whole route. Distance, 24 miles; 1224 miles out from Fort
Smith.

Sunday, July 8. — Started at eight o'clock and moved
off in fine spirits, well satisfied with the results of yester-
day's "fair." I suppose more than 200 Indians had visited
our camp during the afternoon. Our course west, over a
very rough, broken country; then ascended and crossed a
high mountain, which is the dividing ridge that separates
the waters which empty into the Atlantic and Pacific oceans.
We then descended a long ravine and encamped about 1
o'clock on a small, pure stream, and had pretty good grass
for our animals. The surrounding hills are covered with
trees of a stunted growth, shrubbery and gramma. The
main stalk of the beargrass grows to a great heighth. This
the Indians use for lance handles, which are from 10 to 15
feet long, and very firm when dry. Mr. Hart, an old Cali-
fornia gold miner, thinks that the earth indicates an abun-
dance of gold in this region. We found specimens of copper
and iron ore. Distance, 15 miles — 1239.

Monday, July 9. — Our guide led us in a winding course
through ravines and across difficult hills, until we found
ourselves traveling down the bed of an arroyo, which grad-
ually widened and deepened, until we suddenly emerged
and bivonaced upon the bank of the Rio Gila (Hela). In
the bed of the arroyo we saw a great variety of cactus or
prickly pear, loaded with ripe fruit; also several varieties
of trees, walnut, elder, oak, etc. There is little doubt but
the country we pass over to-day will at no distant period
prove an immense gold placere. The hills are composed of
a sand rock and red clay, intermixed with sand and small

160 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

flint stones; in the ravines we saw the slate rock cropping
out, made bare by the action of the water, and large quan-
tities of quartz, which is said always to accompany a
deposit of gold. We did not "prospect" any, for the want
of water, and very likely we should not have known how
to examine for the precious metal. Indeed, we think but
little about gold or gold digging, it being a subject rarely
introduced for "camp gossip." Traveling has become as
natural as doing "day labor;" it is indeed very laborious,
and when we reach camp we are very much fatigued and
think of nothing else than rest. Our stock of provisions is
disappearing rapidly, and unless we are fortunate enough
to obtain a supply of the Pjona [Pima] Indians, we shall
certainly suffer, and we are beginning to think this a much
more important consideration than the gold of California.
The banks of the Gila, like all other rivers we have seen
since leaving the Ohio, are fringed with cottonwood. At
this point it is about 12 yards wide and 18 inches deep, and
runs upon the first rock and gravel bed we have seen since
leaving Pennsylvania. It is a swift flowing stream of clear,
pure water, and abounds in trout, some of which are of a
very large size. As soon as we encamp a number of our
men prepared themselves with rod and line and went to
"try their luck" amongst these strangers of the finny tribe.
They soon returned and reported favorably, having caught
enough to supply "all hands" for both supper and break-
fast. Hill Dixon caught one that measured four inches
between the eyes and weighed about 30 pounds. The country
is very mountainous on both sides of the river, and but
little flat land along its banks, which at this point is covered
with a luxuriant growth of weeds, indicating a good soil.
This is the encamping ground of the Mexicans who come
out to trade with the Apaches. We can find no grass and
we fear our animals will suffer while traveling down the
river. Here our guide, Joseph Jarvis, leaves us to return
home, having fulfilled his contract faithfully, and we are
left to "go it blind" the rest of the way. Distance, 23 miles —
1260 (sic).

Tuesday, July 10. — After giving Jarvis a letter of
recommendation signed by each member of the company,
and furnishing him with enough crackers and bacon to last
him to the Rio Grande, he started home and we continued
our journey. Crossed the river and continued down the
bank, through underbrush and weeds, for several miles,
then re-crossed and ascended a high, difficult bluff and kept
upon the high lands, crossed several deep arroyos and again

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 161

encamped on the river bottom, opposite Steeple Rock.63
The highlands or plains are entirely destitute of timber,
but are covered with a sparse growth of gramma. If this
first day's march on the Gila be a "sample" of "what is to
come," we will "see sights" before we reach the "other
end." Distance, 30 miles— 1290.

Wednesday, July 11. — The trail laid along the north
side of the river and was a comparatively good road. This
flat is from one to two miles wide and probably 20 miles
long. Passed through some patches of good grass, but the
greatest portion of the valley is a barren waste. Judging
from the great number of ruins we discovered, this place
was, at some remote period, densely populated. We saw
the stone foundations of walls, that once enclosed large
towns. Some of the houses, which were no doubt built of
adobes, had stone foundations. Save these marks, and the
immense quantities of broken pottery strewed around, there
is no trace or vestage of the country ever having been
inhabited. The buildings are all level with the earth.66 I
believe there is no satisfactory accounts of these once
extensive settlements on historical record. Probably these
were colonies established in the early days of Mexico, and
when in successful operation, were overpowered and driven
off, or totally destroyed by savage Indians, and their im-
provements demolished and laid waste. It may be that gold
mining was extensively carried on in this region of country,
and the ore packed to the City of Mexico, to decorate the
halls of the Montezumas, their churches, etc. It certainly
would be interesting to know what ever induced people to
settle in this isolated portion of the world — in a place where
the earth would not produce enough to supply a small
population. At present there are only a few deserted Indian
wigwams along the river bank. About 3 o'clock we turned
in to water, and found 40 men of the Knickerbocker com-
pany encamped.67 They had attempted to explore a more
southern route, but after suffering severely for want of
water, losing one man and a number of stock, they con-
cluded to shape their course due north for Gila, which they
reached a few miles below our last night's camp. Good
grass. Distance, 28 miles — 1318.

Thursday, July 12. — Our course is down the valley of

65. "Steeple Rock" had been so named when the Army of the West passed this
way. It was recognized by Chamberlin from the description which he had in
Emory's Notes, p. 63.

66. Chamberlin seems to have anticipated seeing such evidences of prehistoric
life from his reading of Emory's Notes, pp. 64-65.

67. See pages 36, 39 supra.

162 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

the river, occasionally leaving it for a short time to cross
the bluffs that extend into the bank. We crossed the river
three times to-day and encamped on the south side. Passed
a company of 25 New Yorkers and Virginians encamped
on the bank of the stream. Passed a great number of ruins
described yesterday. The extensive ranges of mountains
on both sides of the river present a variety of shapes and
picturesque appearance. We are encamped at the point
where we leave the river to cross the rough and trying part
of the road called the "Devil's Turnpike."68 Here the moun-
tains close in upon the river, which has cut a channel
through solid rock, in places more than 100 feet high.
Through these canons its restless waters rush, making it
impossible to continue our course down the river. We drove
our stock to the top of the mountain to feed upon gramma,
where those of us not on guard were prevented from sleep-
ing and completely drenched by a very violent thunder
storm, which lasted several hours. Distance, 20 miles —
1338.

CHAPTER XI

Friday, July 13. — We started at 9 o'clock this morning,
and immediately ascended a high mountain. Our course was
over mountains and through ravines, down the rocky beds
Of which we frequently traveled for miles. Our mules
scrambled along the sides of mountains and precipices
where I thought it would be impossible for man or beast
to venture; but they are a sure-footed animal and we did
not meet with a single accident during the day. The trail
for the whole distance is covered with a sharp, angular-
shaped black rock and small sharp stones, which severely
lacerated the hoofs of our animals, and they could have
been tracked for miles by the blood upon the stones; but
we all arrived safely in camp without losing a single mule.
Gen. Kearney lost 15 in the same march 3 years ago. In
some of those deep, dark chasms, through which we passed,
it would (with the aid of a little fire and brimstone) require
but a slight stretch of the imagination, to think one's self
on the brink of the infernal regions. We descended into a
deep, gloomy ravine, the bed of which was but a few feet
in width, and the sides towered perpendicularly to the
clouds. Night came on while we were thus imbedded in the
"bowels of the earth," but we finally groped our way to

68. Under date of Oct. 26, 1846, Emory wrote: "The men named this pass 'the
Devil's turnpike,' and I see no reason to change it." Op, cit., p. 65.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 163

the river, whither it led us, crossed over and encamped,
having traveled 10 hours without intermission and made
but 16 miles. The "Devil's Turnpike" is a very appropriate
name for to-day's route; it is not "graded" but well "set"
with sharp rocks. This has indeed been a difficult and try-
ing day's march, on both man and beast. We walked all
day and were almost worn out on reaching camp. We
stopped on a sand bar, without a spear of grass for our
weary and hungry stock, and their incessant cries during
the night for something to eat were truly painful. We did
not see a single living animal today; indeed, we have met
but little game since leaving the buffalo region, on the
plains of the Canadian river. Since leaving the Rio Grande
we have seen an occasional antelope, hare, or a flock of
quails. Of the reptile kind we have seen rattle snakes, horned
toads, lizards, tarantulas, and scorpions in abundance. To-
day we had some extensive views of this wild region of
country. Nothing could be seen as far as the eye could
reach but mountain upon mountain, apparently barren,
which gives this desolate waste a most forbidding appear-
ance. From the amount of drift and other indications, the
Gila rises to a great height during the wet season. Dis-
tance, 16 miles ; 1354 miles out from Fort Smith.

Saturday, July 14. — This morning we find ourselves
encamped on a small sand bar, with impassable canons
above and below us, and enclosed on either side by tremen-
dous mountains. We have been following the trail of a
company a few days in advance of us, which has brought
us into the difficulty. The suffering condition of our animals
compels us to make our way out of this "trap" as soon
as possible. Several of us started in search of a trail lead-
ing out, but found none. Our only resort was to ascend a
high and rugged mountain, the summit of which we at last
gained, after incredible toil on the part of our mules and
selves. We continued along the dividing rise in a southern
course, in hopes of getting out of this "turnpike" region
in a short time. Our tender-footed beasts hobbled along
as best they could, but all the mules that had been shod at
Santa Fe lost their shoes during yesterday and to-day's
march. After traveling several miles in this way we inter-
sected a good trail, which led us directly to the river. We
suppose this to be General Kearney's old route, he having
left the river further to the north. After a long but pretty
gradual descent we again reached the ^waters of the Gila
and traveled down the stream crossing it nine times, when
we emerged upon a flat, which widened out, and is covered
with mezquite and other bushes, but not a spear of grass.

164 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Here again we found a great number of those ruins, for-
merly spoken of, large quantities of broken pottery, etc.
It is impossible to judge the shape of the vessels of which
these fragments form a part; very likely, however, these
buildings were roofed with this material. It resembles the
common red crockery now in use in the States, being orna-
mented and striped in a variety of styles. Not a piece was
to be found of a larger size than a man's hand. We en-
camped on a small patch of green grass about a mile from
the river. It is a fortunate circumstance we found this, it
being the first we have met with for several days. The
base of Mount Graham is about 10 miles distant, on the
south side of the river.69 The waters of the Gila have been
increased by the addition of the Prieto and Don Carlos
rivers;70 the latter stream is strongly impregnated with
salt. Saw an abundance of blue quail and a great many
turtle doves; the latter bird we have met with in every
part of the country since leaving the States. Distance, 20
miles— 1374.

Sunday, July 15. — The Virginians lost a mule yester-
day, and Capt. Dixon found a good one running loose. The
bank of the river is so beset with underbrush and drift
that we cannot get a supply of water without extreme diffi-
culty. Remained in camp to-day to rest and graze our
animals. Some of our men tried to catch some fish, but
met with poor success. I preferred gunning and killed a
few quails, doves, etc., saw a great many long-eared hares,
but they were very wild. I spent several hours in wander-
ing over the site of these ancient settlements, but could find
nothing but the pottery and foundations of buildings, de-
noting the existence of a once numerous people. The weather
for some days has been excessively warm, and the indifferent
shade of a mezquite bush is the only protection we have
from the scorching rays of the run. We would prefer trav-
eling, if we could do so in justice to our animals.

Monday, July 16. — Trail continues down the valley of
the river, which is from one to three miles wide. Passed
more ruins, which were in a greater state of preservation
than any we had yet seen — broken portions of walls and
posts are yet standing. We also saw some large stones,
hollowed out in the shape of a mortar ; these were no doubt
used for grinding grain. The valley of this river was once
inhabited by thousands — perhaps millions of human beings,

69. There would be no difficulty in recognizing Mount Graham from the illus-
tration in Emory's Notes, p. 67.

70. This observation is similar to that made by Emory, op. cit., 66. "Don Carlos"
is a slip for San Carlos.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 165

now wholly extinct. They cultivated the soil, which re-
quired irrigation, and some of their ditches can be seen to
this day. The sand and dust in our trail is very deep, and
so heated by the rays of the sun that an egg could be
roasted in a few minutes. The barrels of our guns became
so hot that we could scarcely touch them, and our bridle
reins almost blistered our hands. We passed along between
the base of Mt. Graham and the river. The top of the
mountain is immersed in clouds and showers are falling
around its summit, while it is perfectly clear in the valley.
The water which falls around the mountain flows down the
ravines, in which there appears to be some verdure, and
at the base there is said to flow a subterranean creek. En-
camped on the river bank, had some grass, but the water
of the Gila is very warm and blackish. Distance, 30 miles —
1404.

Tuesday, July 17. — Meeker and Bornean71 abandoned
their worn-out riding horses yesterday. Our course is down
the river, the trail pretty solid. In the afternoon we
crossed a rocky point extending into the river and en-
camped a few miles below, directly opposite or north of
Mount Turnbull.72 This afternoon we intersected a large
trail, which we suppose is that traveled by Sonora traders
to barter with the Indians.73 Saw the "frames" of a num-
ber of cattle and horses lying along the route. Today we
again passed the Knickerbocker company, many of whom
are on foot, two or three of them packing one horse, and
that probably on its "last legs." We had a cool breeze to-
day and got along very comfortably. Distance, 30 miles —
1434.

Wednesday, July 18. — Kept down the river with a good
road until 12 o'clock, when the river canoned and we were
"brought to a stand." We, however, found a small trail lead-
ing south, around the western side of Mt. Turnbull, and
started on it, but unfortunately, neglected to water our
animals and fill our canteens, expecting to strike the river
again in a few miles. In this we were disappointed. We
continued traveling south, leaving the river behind us, and

71. At page 40 supra, this name appears as "Bornan."

72. Emory, op. cit., p. 69, wrote under date of Oct. 30: "Mount Turnbull, ter-
minating in a sharp cone, had been in view down the valley of the river for three
days. Today about three o'clock p.m., we turned its base, forming the northern
terminus of the same chain in which is Mount Graham."

73. Again we quote Emory (p. 76) : "The dry creek by which we crossed to the
San Pedro river was the great highway leading from the mountain fastnesses Info
the plains of Santa Cruz, Santa Anna, and Tucsoon, frontier towns of Sonora.
Along this valley was distinctly marked the same fresh trail, noted yesterday, of
horses, cattle, and mules."

166 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

ascending the mountain upon mountain. Found no water
and it was too late to return to the river. On looking back
we could see the Gila flowing off to the S.W., and the Rio
San Francisco emptying into it directly north of us. The
latter appears to be a considerable stream, running south
through a small valley. We still keep our course up the
mountains in hopes of finding water, but fearful of having
to camp without it. The mules belonging to the Virginia
and Heddenburg mess began to fail ; they halted in a ravine
and declared they would go no farther, but return in the
morning to the river. The Texians, Capt. Dixon's mess74
and ourselves went on, toiling up the ravine, and finally
came to what was apparently the end of the mountain we
were upon. Two or three persons descended in search of
water, and after the delay of an hour reported an abun-
dance of water in the ravine. This was joyful news to us;
we had had none since morning, although none of us were
suffering for want of it. We wound around the end of the
mountain and descended several hundred feet into a deep,
dark, rocky defile, in the bottom of which ran a small but
pure rill of water. Here we encamped and turned our ani-
mals up the side of the mountain to graze upon the scattered
bunches of gramma that grows amongst the rocks. We
here found several deserted Indian huts, where they had
encamped to prepare their mezcal, which grows in great
abundance amongst these mountains. They had a furnace
of stone built in which to bake it. The mezcal plant
resembles the pine apple somewhat in appearance, but is
of more luxuriant growth, and send up a long, straight
stalk, from 10 to 20 feet high, bearing on the top a number
of handsome yellow flowers. We sent word of our good
fortune to those we left behind, but they failed to come
up ; think that their animals will require several days rest
before they will be able to proceed. A mutual division of
our small company must take place, which is much to be
regretted, after having traveled so far together. Our pro-
visions are fast disappearing, which obliges us to push
forward while they have a pretty good supply. We have
little breadstuff left and but 4 or 5 days' rations of bacon
in this desolate region. There are some sycamore trees in
this ravine, resembling the same species in the States
excepting the leaves. Distance, 30 miles — 1464.

74. For the constituent groups of their party 'to this point, see p. 40 supra.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 167

CHAPTER XII

Thursday, July 19. — The first step this morning was
to ascend the high and almost perpendicular mountainside,
out of this ravine, which in all probability the rays of the
sun never reach. We almost despaired of accomplishing the
task, but after a hard struggle the mules reached the sum-
mit. One poor animal, with a heavy pack, lost its equili-
brium, fell down a precipice and rolled over several times,
pack and all, but soon recovered his footing, and again
commenced the toilsome ascent. We then continued ascend-
ing and descending one rugged steep after another. As
far as the eye could reach nothing presented itself to our
vision but high mountains and corresponding ravines. Our
trail is very indistinct, branching in different directions,
which satisfies us that we are followng an Indian path,
perhaps never trod by the foot of white men before. Occa-
sionally we could catch a glimpse of the Gila on its course,
far off to the north. We all walked, leading our animals.
It has been a most toilsome day's march on man and beast.
We crossed several small streams of water, in the beds of
arroyos, which run a short distance and then sink in the
sand. The prickly pear, loaded with fruit, has been very
abundant for some days. When ripe it is a deep red color,
full of seeds and of a pleasant taste; but beware of the
small, sharp prickles with which the fruit and stalk is
armed. About 12 o'clock we reached the top of the mountain
and passed between two high and rocky pillars, which
towered upon our right and left. Here our further progress
appeared at an end. The path led down into a deep chasm,
from which there did not seem a single point of egress.
Several of us started in search of a passage in the direction
we wished to travel, others ascended the pillars to "view
the landscape o'er." When out of each other's sight they
commenced "hallooing," and were immediately answered
by some Indians in the ravine in front of us, who soon
made their appearance. After signs of friendship had
passed between us, we advanced to hold a talk with them.
They were entirely naked, both male and female. We gave
them to understand that we wanted to reach the Gila river,
at the mouth of the Rio San Pedro. They directed us upon
a trail running down the ravine to the S.W. ; this we
descended with little difficulty for a few miles and encamped
with water and grass. The day has been cloudy and pleas-
ant. Distance, 16 miles — 1480.

Friday, July 20. — Continued down the ravine without
much interruption until we reached the Gila. Here the

168 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

river comes foaming and tumbling out of one canon and
immediately enters another. We crossed and commenced
climbing the mountain on the north side. This is the point
where Gen. Kearney reached the river, after four days of
toilsome travel over the mountains, on the north side of
the river, to avoid the canons above. During the same
time', they lost a great number of animals. We have accom-
plished the same object on the south side in two days, and
by traveling less than half the distance. He had the cele-
brated Kit Carson for guide; we had none. The inex-
perienced will sometimes fall into good luck. Again passed
the Knickerbocker company, many of whom are destitute
of provisions, and were "nooning it" upon the fruit of the
prickly pear — a flimsy substitute for food. To-day we met
with the first of a new and singular kind of cactus. It
is a tree without limb or leaf, but with branches similar
to the main stalk, putting out about half-way up the trunk ;
it is evergreen, fluted and armed with prickles, or barbs.
There are great numbers of these peculiar yet beautiful
trees growing out on the south side of the mountain. We
are now in the Pinon Lanos range.75 They are high, rocky,
barren and very difficult to pass, of which we had a speci-
men this afternoon. We climbed three successive mountains,
and then descended all at once, for a distance of two miles,
over rocks, sharp stones, cactus, etc., and encamped in an
arroyo near the river, down which ran a small, clear stream
of pure, cold water, which was a gratifying treat to us, after
a hard day's march beneath a burning sun. There is no
grass in the neighborhood for our suffering animals. There
is cottonwood, ash and willow growing in the ravine. We
found some small sour grapes, and saw a humming bird,
a wren, and a ground squirrel. Distance, 20 miles; 1500
miles out from Fort Smith.

Saturday, July 21. — After crossing the point of a most
precipitous mountain we again reached the Gila, and then
commenced the winding descent of the river, for through
these apparently impassable canons is now our only course.
We crossed the stream 30 times in the course of to-day's
march, sometimes swimming our mules, wetting our packs,
etc. The bed of the river in places is very rocky, and in
others composed of quicksand, which makes it unpleasant
to ford. In places the current was so rapid as to wash the
legs of the animals from under them and carry them bodily
down stream; but they invariably recovered and reached

75. Emory has quite a little to say about the "Pinon Lano range on the north
side of the Gila," and of the tribe of that name. Op. cit., 71, 73, 74, 77, 78 passim.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 169

the shore in safety. In these tremendous canons nature
displayed her powers in the wildest form. The stupendous
rocks, reared perpendicularly above each other for hundreds
of feet, present a grand but gloomy spectacle to the beholder.
Nothing like vegetation or animal life cheer the solitude of
the scene, except the lonely cactus trees, which has the
appearance of so many sentinels, stationed by the infernal
powers to guard these dark passes. We measured one of
the trees that had been blown down and found it to be 39
feet in length and 25 inches in diameter. Some of them
have five or six arms, generally two or three, sometimes
one and frequently none. These single stalks raising out
of the earth to the height of 40 feet, and two feet in thick-
ness, are an odd looking "vegetable." We found a species
of nut to-day, resembling the almond in taste, which sick-
ened some of the boys who ate of them. We met five naked
Apaches, who were about taking dinner when we came
upon them. The "prepared dish" lay in the sand, around
which they were seated. It consisted of several yards of
the entrails of a dead horse, containing all the filth, roasted
in the ashes. On this dainty morsel they feasted, pulling it
off in pieces with their claws, and ate with apparently
good relish, until they were as "full as ticks," the "season-
ing" running down their faces all the while. They kindly
offered to share their meal with us, but having yet a small
supply of more palatable food, we thanked them. No doubt
this would have been an "affecting" sight to persons of
weak stomachs, but we have become indifferent to "sights,"
and do not know how soon we may be compelled to imitate
their example. We traveled further than we intended to-
day, in hopes of finding more grass, but were obliged to
encamp at last without a blade in view. This is certainly
hard food for our mules, but we cannot remedy it. We were
visited this evening by some "poverty-struck" Apaches,
mostly squaws and children ; they wore no clothing but the
breechcloth, which is made of buckskin. We ordered them
to leave at dark. Distance, 16 miles — 1516.

Sunday, July 22. — This morning the Indians again
visited us. They had nothing to trade but some jerked
horse meat, which we did not relish if we were out of meat.
They were very curious, handling and examining everything
within their reach. We gave them some trifling presents,
with which they were much pleased. Several of the young
squaws were passably good looking, having regular features
and expressive countenance, etc. One of them had a paint
stone, resembling red chalk, suspended from her neck, with
which they striped themselves in our presence, using their

170 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

fingers for a brush and spittle to mix with. After descend-
ing the river through a number of canons, and crossing 6
times, we emerged from the mountains upon a barren,
sandy flat, opposite where the Rio San Pedro empties into
the Gila on the south side. We are much rejoiced to find
ourselves again in an open country, after several days of
incessant toil to ourselves and animals. Passed Saddle-
Back Peak,76 which is situated on the south side of the river,
a short distance above the mouth of the San Pedro. This
mountain has been appropriately named, for the summit
very much resembles the seat of a saddle. Here the Gila,
which has for some time been running almost south, changes
its course to N. of W. We found a few bunches of coarse
grass about 1 o'clock, when we stopped and rested until 5,
then packed up again and traveled until dark; saw numer-
ous flocks of quails and doves. This flat is covered with
mezquite, timber, weeds, and but little grass. The weather
is very hot, no air stirring. Distance, 12 miles — 1528.

Monday, July 23. — There being a little grass here, we
concluded to rest for the day, and graze our stock, for from
all accounts we will find but little feed on the balance of
our route. The day was excessively hot, and the small
mezcal trees afford us but poor shelter from the burning
sun. The Virginians came up and passed by us to-day ; the
New York company also passed by us.

Tuesday, July 24. — Our camp had been pitched in a
thicket of mezquite and weeds, and making an early start
this morning, we had traveled several miles before we
discovered that one of our pack mules were missing. After
packing, it no doubt wandered into the thicket and was left
behind. Three of us started back, but there were several
Indians ahead of us, who no doubt found the prize and
drove it off into the mountains. We engaged Pinon Lanos
Indians to go in search of it, offering them a large reward,
and amongst other things a gun with powder and ball,
upon which they exclaimed "mui bueno" (very good) and
set off at full speed, promising to bring it into camp this
evening. But neither the Indians or the mule came, and we
have given up all hopes of ever seeing it again. It was
a good mule, belonging to the company, and carried the
most valuable pack. We estimate the loss at about $400.
All the most necessary and valuable clothing belonging to
Armstrong, Howard, Musser, and myself were upon it,
including my gold watch and chain, and other articles of

76. Emory (p. 75) says: "so named by us from its resemblance to the outline
of a saddle."

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 171

value. My individual loss is not less than $175. The pack
also contained some business letters of introduction, and
many small but useful articles which we had packed into
India rubber bags for preservation. Altogether, we con-
sidered it a serious loss in our private situation. It is the
first stroke of ill luck we have yet met with ; I hope it is not
the commencement of a series. We had not traveled far
to-day before the river again canoned and we were obliged
to ford it 21 times during the march. We encamped on the
south side and turned our animals upon the hills to feed
on the gramma, which is very thin but better than none.
We crossed Mineral creek this afternoon. It is a small
stream, emptying into the Gila on the north side. This
stream is said to abound in gold and other minerals; but
we did not stop to explore. Distance, 22 miles — 1550.

Wednesday, July 25. — No tidings of the lost mule and
packs, and we have given up all hopes of recovering either.
No doubt my watch already bedecks the tawny bosom of
some squaw, of no more value to her than a brass button.
After passing through a number of canons and crossing
the river 10 times, we once more reached where the river
"spreads out its valley." The dust on the trail is almost
knee deep, which, with the intense heat, makes traveling
difficult and oppressive. To-day we met two Pigmo [Pima]
Indians. They said they were out after horses and mules
to exchange with the American emigrants. Encamped on
the river bank. Distance, 25 miles — 1575.

Thursday, July 26. — Dust and underbrush annoyed us
very much in our course down the valley. This afternoon
we entered Gen. Cook's wagon road, which comes up from
the east. This evening a pack mule company by Capt. Day
came up by that route. They gave a very favorable account
of the route, which must be preferable to the one we have
traveled. They had passed through a number of Mexican
villages, and had an abundance of feed for their animals.
Capt. Day has his wife with him. She is a Spanish woman,
and the first female emigrant we have seen on the route.
She was mounted upon a mule, riding in the train covered
with dust, holding an umbrella over her head and a child in
her arms. Distance, 25 miles — 1609.

172 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

CHAPTER XIII

Friday, July 27. — Early this morning we were visited
by a number of Pigmo (pemo) Indians of both sexes. We
find we are encamped within a league of their principal
village.77 We have found a small patch of coarse grass, that
has been repeatedly grazed off by the animals of companies
in advance of us, but it is much better than we have met
with for many days. The condition of our stock, and the
prospects of obtaining a supply of provisions, requires us
to remain here a day at least. We have been on short allow-
ance for some time. We have had no bacon for two weeks ;
the last of it had melted away, until there were little left
but the skins. Our supply of coffee is beginning to fail.
We are obliged to drink it very weak, without sugar, which
with a scanty allowance of Mexican flour has constituted
our entire fare for sometime. The flour was ground by hand
power, and contains all the bran. Could our empty provision
sacks be replenished with a sack of flour, and a few
pounds of bacon, we would feel as happy and contented as
lords, nor envy the epicure enjoying his choicest luxuries.
This is a pretty fix to be in, wanting the bare necessaries
of life ; but we have no reason to complain, Providence has
favored us thus far, and we are once more where we can
obtain something to sustain life. Could mules travel the
Gila river route and carry heavy burdens, we might have
reproached ourselves for leaving Santa Fe with so small a
supply, but that is impossible; we have seen no emigrants
on the route who have fared better than ourselves, and
many far worse. We were not long in commencing to barter
with the Pigmos, who showed a very friendly disposition.
They brought us small quantities of wheat flour, very coarse,
some green corn, and watermelons, for which we gave them
shirts and other articles in exchange. We could not procure
meat of them, it being the article we most needed. Being
an agricultural people, they require what few animals they
have for that purpose. We had hoped to exchange some of
our weary mules for fresh stock, but were disappointed,
and will have to perform the balance of our journey, with
our broken down animals, as best we can. The Pigmos
resemble most other Indian tribes we have met, but are
not so finely formed, athletic, and dignified as the Apaches,
of whom they are in great dread. I was amused upon offer-
ing them a pair of buckskin leggins, which I had purchased
of the Apaches; they instantly recognized them by the or-

77. Compare Emory, op. tit., 82 et seq. Chamberlin's use here of the term
"league" is curious.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 173

naments, and appeared actually afraid to touch them,
exclaiming-, "Apache's, Apache's malo! mui malo!" They
are disposed to be peaceful. The more savage tribes steal
their stock, which is very unfortunate for them. They have
some animals left by Gen. Kearney, Major Graham and
Cook. The dress of these Indians is very simple, and many
wear but the simple breech cloth. A shirt is the height of
their ambition in the dress line. The climate is so mild
the year round, that much clothing would be superfluous.
At present the heat is very oppressive; our thermometers
stand at a 126° above zero in the shade. These Indians
appear to be perfectly honest. The old Chief or Governor
visited us to-day, and took dinner with us. He wished to
know how his subjects behaved towards us, and said that
if we caught them pilfering or misbehaving, we should
inform him, and that he would punish them accordingly.
Thus do this singular and simple people live in peace and
contentment, enjoying the fruits of their labors, in this
isolated portion of the world, and if ignorant of many
blessing attending more enlightened nations, are alike
unacquainted with their vices.

Saturday, July 28. — We had traveled but a short time
before we entered the village. It is scattered over a large
portion of the river flat, which is about fifteen miles wide
at this point. The village is situated on the south side of
the river. There are a number of springs or marshes, by
which they irrigate the land. We saw no running streams.
Their wigwams are composed of a kind of wicker work,
thatched with straw or reeds, and the whole covered with
earth. They have each a summer house, which consists of
four posts set in the ground, cross pieces, and the top cov-
ered with straw. These form very comfortable shades, and
it was a rich luxury to sit under one of them and eat water-
melons, boiled wheat, beans, &c. These people speak the
Spanish language pretty well, which I suppose they have
learned from their intercourse with the trade between
Mexico and California, this being an important point upon
the route. They enter their bake-oven-shaped huts through
the only aperture, at one end, and in them they live, eat,
drink and sleep, "up to their eyes" in sand, the earth being
of a sandy nature, and very barren appearance. They grow
cotton, and manufacture it into coarse cloth, their weaving
apperratus being very simple. They use the wooden Mex-
ican plough, and fence with poles and brush, and their little
patches display more taste than those in New Mexico. We
saw some of the men at work, but the majority of the labor-
ers were women. They do all the drudge work, carrying

174 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

immense burdens upon their heads, grind wheat, corn, &c.
Saw but few fire arms among them; they have all bows
and arrows, but seldom carry any about them. This after-
noon we passed through a part of the Marakopa [Maricopa]
tribe. We saw many of them engaged in playing cards.
These tribes of Indians have been represented as having
all the virtues and none of the vices of the whites. This
was either exaggeration, or they, have degenerated greatly
within a few years. We have found them to lie, cheat and
steal. They handle cards with a great deal of dexterity,
know the value of money, and used it in betting at their
games. After a long search for pasture, we saw a deserted
cornfield, in which we encamped. Our animals relished the
fodder very much. We found a small run of water near,
which was very blackish. The river is about two miles to
the north. At this point the road crosses the mountains,
a Jornada of about fifty miles, cutting off a large bend in
the river. Distance, 30 miles — 1630.

Sunday, July 29. — Concluded to keep Sunday, for from
all accounts we will not find another "cornfield" soon. Al-
though we have passed through all the villages, we were
visited to-day by a number of Marakopas, bringing corn,
panol [pinole?], melons, &c., for exchange. We failed of
procuring meat from these Indians, of which we are very
much in need, in our present condition. We exchanged
several broken down horses for others very little better,
giving more "to boot" than both were worth. We were well
enough supplied with corn and melons, and ten of us con-
sumed several dozen to-day. The old proverb "either a
feast or a famine," applies to us. A number of Indians
have laid about our camp all day, watching every oppor-
tunity to pilfer. They ate the rinds of the melons which
we threw away.

Monday, July 30. — Left the cornfield, and kept the trail,
following the course of the river. We feared our mules were
inadequate to the task of crossing the Jornada, although it
is a great "cut off." A large portion of the valley is here
covered with a saline deposit. The impression of horses'
hoofs are visible in every direction, being filled with salt,
which it is said the Indians collect for use. The heavy
growth of weeds in different places denotes a rich soil.
Mezquite timber is becoming more abundant. This tree
resembles the locusts in the States. It bears a bean, which
is sweet and very good feed for animals. The Indians are
fond of them. After a long search, we found a "bare spot"
large enough to encamp upon, on a small island in the river.
We turned our mules out to browse upon willows and weeds.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 175

This is pretty hard fare after a fatiguing day's march, but
we can do no better. The day has been very hot, and the
water of the Gila so warm, that we could not drink it, did
not necessity require it, it being also very brackish. Dis-
tance, 25 miles — 1655.

Tuesday, July 31. — Crossed the river, but swamps in-
terrupting our course on the north side, we were obliged to
recross. Excepting the course of the river, which is still
marked by a growth of cotton wood, willow, underbrush,
mezquite, and rank weeds, the general appearance of the
country is most sterile and forbidding. The sunburned
summits of the mountains are entirely destitute of vegeta-
tion. The heat very oppressive, and being some distance
from the river, we are almost choked from thirst. In addi-
tion to our canteens, each person procured a gourd from
the Pigmo Indians, but with all our vessels we were unable
to carry a day's supply of water. This afternoon we had
every sign of a fine shower, which would have been very
refreshing, but it ended in a gust of wind. The sand flew
in all directions, blinding, and almost suffocating us for
a time. It must almost have equalled the "monsoons" on
the deserts of Africa. Not a drop of rain fell. The country
is in a "parched up" condition, and from every appearance,
no rain has fallen for several months. From "signs," drift-
wood, &c., we can see that the Gila rises to a great height
during the rainy season. Passed the Salt and San Francisco
rivers, which unite and flow into the Gila on the north
side.78 The Rio Francisco is a considerable stream. At
a distance in advance of us the appearance of the country —
the ever-changing scenery, is truly beautiful. The valley
of the river appears covered with herbage, interspersed
with groves of wood, and surrounded with low chains of
picturesque mountains. But the eye deceives the senses;
all changes as we travel along, plodding through the sand
almost knee deep, annoyed by the numerous prickly shrubs,
the thorns of the mezquite tree scratching us and tearing
our clothes, whenever we come in contact with it. Our
hands "have to suffer" when we gather the beans for our
mules. They are very fond of them, being a pretty good
substitute for grass. They contain a great deal of saccharine
matter, and are no doubt very nutritious. Encamped in a
mezquite thicket and fed upon beans. We are some distance
from the river, and have great difficulty in going to it

78. For a good description of this region and of the relation of the streams
named, see Emory's notes written when Kearny's force was camped "on the dividing
ground between the Pimos and Maricopas." Op. cit., 85-86.

176 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

from our camp, through the weeds, underbrush, drift, &c.
Thermometer stood at 114° in the shade. After clearing
away some of the brush and thorns, we managed to "turn
in" upon "level ground." We had scarcely rolled our weary
bodies up in our blanket, when our ears were saluted by
the music of an old acquaintance. The serenade, though
familiar, sounded harsh, and in a moment we were all upon
our feet, determined to silence the "minstrel." We lighted
a fagot and after considerable search succeeded in dis-
lodging and beheading the bird. He was the largest rattle-
snake I ever saw, being four feet in length and numbering
upwards of twenty rattles. We had laid down within a few
feet of him. It is said that they usually go in pairs, but we
were not to be cheated out of our "roosts" by such notions,
and again turned-in and were soon lost in "refreshing
sleep," "nature's sweet restorer," and the goddess of dreams
was not long in transporting our imaginations to "other
scenes and to other times." To no persons do the "hours
of rest" pass more quickly by than they appear to the way-
worn traveler. Too soon are we aroused by the unwelcome
voice of the captain, calling upon "all hands" to get up,
prepare breakfast, pack, and be off by sunrise. So we go.
Distance, 25 miles — 1680.

Wednesday, Aug. 1. — The river inclines strongly to
the south. We crossed several points of mountains which
were covered with sharp, black rocks, which made the
footing insecure for our animals and the traveling difficult.
Found a "litter" upon which the company in advance of
us had carried a man almost from the source of the Gila —
a distance of several hundred miles. He had been badly
wounded by the accidental discharge of a gun. Passed a
river to-day which emptied into the Gila on the north side —
we do not know the name of it. Encamped in a mezquite
grove and fed upon beans. We scarcely see a blade of
grass in a day's march. The depth of the sand and intense
heat made this a hard day's march. Shot a few quails for
supper. Camp a mile from water. Distance, 20 miles — 1700.

Thursday, Aug. 2. — River bears due south. Sand very
deep. Encamped this evening where the Gila takes a west-
ern course. Here we again intersected Gen. Cook's wagon
route, which crosses the Jornada before mentioned. It is
but forty-eight miles from this point to the Pigmo village,
while we have traveled one hundred by following the course
of the river. The road through the cut-off is said to be
very good and can be crossed in twelve hours. There are
six men here that started in at six last evening and were
here at twelve to-day, resting half the night ; while we have

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 177

been four days making the same distance toward the end
of our journey. Our company picked up a small stray mule
this evening. We were obliged as usual to gather beans for
our mules. Distance, 25 miles — 1725.

CHAPTER XIV

Friday, August 3. — The road pretty good, and we
travel with more ease and speed than in the narrow Indian
path. We are on the south side of the river, which now
runs north of west. Crossed the point of a mountain, which
projects into the river; on the west side there is a mound,
composed of large black rocks, upon which there are en-
graved a great many rude characters and Hieroglyphics.79
From all appearances other hands than those of the present
inhabitants of this region have traced them there, and
centuries have elapsed since the work was done. Did not
reach the river until after dark. By the light of the moon
we succeeded in finding a few mezquite trees at the base of
a mountain, where we encamped. No sooner had we turned
our mules loose, than they commenced "nickering" and
wandering about from tree to tree, which satisfied us that
there were no beans about, no grass, nor browse, and we
heard them wandering off in search of food. The weeds
were so high, and dense, that we could not see them. Some-
thing was said about being left on foot in the morning, to
make the balance of our way as best we could ; little atten-
tion was paid to it, however, and we all "turned in." The
inclination to rest and repose after a long and fatiguing
day's journey, entirely overcomes the necessity of guarding
against difficulty in future. Being obliged to reach water,
made this a longer march than we should have made in
justice to ourselves and animals. Although we are yet in
the Apache Indian range, and are approaching near the
Yumas, we have given up "keeping guard" around camp.
The labor of packing and unpacking, several times a day,
all the while exposed to a burning sun, walking more than
half the time, over mountains and through deep sand, drink-
ing the hot brackish water of the Gila, and living upon our
light and limited diet, all combine to reduce and debilitate
us in mind as well as body. We have become entirely in-
different to danger. The object of our journey seldom
enters our mind, and when the gold of California is spoken
of, it is only in connection with — "If we were only where

79. Illustrations of these are found in Emory's Notes, pp. 89-91.

178 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

people lived, and we could get something to eat and drink,
the de'il might have all the gold" — "I would give all my
interest in the diggings for a month's supply of good pro-
visions"— "I have made up my mind long ago, that we are
upon a wild goose chase" — "If the Sierra Nevada moun-
tains were made of gold, they cannot repay us for what we
have endured on this journey," &c., &c. Travelling has
become as natural as the labor of the mechanic, and the
time on Saturday afternoon when he can "knock off work,"
is not met with more pleasure, by the young apprentice,
than we hail the camping place at the end of each day's
journey. I have often read of, but never believed, until I
learned by experience, the changes that are produced upon
the nature and temper of men, under these circumstances.
A person would suppose, that men so far from the borders
of civilization, would usually depend upon each other for
mutual aid, comfort and protection, and find pleasure in
doing so; but, in nine cases out of ten, it is the reverse.
Companies of emigrants, pledged to stand by each other,
have been divided and sub-divided by most trifling circum-
stances, which produced contention among them. Messes
from the same neighborhood at home, have been separated ;
and I have even seen brothers quarrel, divide their "plun-
der," and each pursue his own course. Men that were
formerly of the most mild, obliging dispositions, have be-
come crabbed, fretful, and overbearing. And never have I
been in a more perfect school of profanity; preachers and
members of churches are not exempt from this all prevailing
spirit, but appeared to become the most hardened. The
decided change in life, the trials, hardships, and difficulties
of an overland journey, but I believe nothing has so power-
ful an effect, as the scanty allowance of food. I am happy
to say that our own mess have travelled together, and have
reason to believe that none of the dissentions so common
on the route will enter our little band. Yet we all saw, fell,
and acknowledged, that we were not the persons we "used
to was," in spirit, temper, and body, and have concluded
that it will take considerable good "feeding," and inter-
course with civilization, to restore us to our former condi-
tion. Distance, 30 miles — 1755.

Saturday, August 4. — When we awoke this morning,
not a horse or mule was to be seen. After scouring the
country until ten o'clock, we found them, some six or eight
miles from camp, still wandering about, having found no
food. This afternoon we met several hundred Indians, on
their way up the river — men, Squaws, and children. They
appeared to be removing their goods and chattels, for every-

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 179

thing belonging to an Indian camp, they had upon their
backs. What tribe they belong to, or are, we could not
learn. They are a more rude and abject looking race, than
any we have yet seen. The only clothing of male and
female was the simple breech-cloth, and many were entirely
naked. Their "fig-leaf" was the shreds of the inner bark
of the tree, formed into a kind of fringe. The Squaws were
carrying very heavy loads upon their backs, or rather on
their foreheads, by means of a strap to which the weight
is suspended, resting on their back. When trudging along,
in the necessary stooped form, they very much resemble
packed Sonorian Burros, (jackasses). The men were only
encumbered with their bows, and a few of them were on
horseback. I gave a squaw a silk handkerchief for a gourd,
but they had nothing in the way of provisions that we could
procure. While on the Rio Grande, I had covered my India
rubber canteen with flannel, which I have since found to
be a valuable improvement. By wetting the flannel, when
I fill it, and hang it upon my saddle, the water becomes
tolerable cool. Green, Musser, Armstrong and myself, had
remained behind to trade with the Indians; Armstrong
traded horses. When we started on, we could not find the
company, who we supposed had turned off the road to
encamp. After a fruitless search of two or three hours,
we concluded to tie up for the night. We had eaten nothing
since morning, and a scanty breakfast that was. Our an-
imals fared better than ourselves, having abundance of
beans. We spread our blankets on the sand, and "turned
in," wishing for a portion of humble camp fare. Distance
15 miles— 1770.

Sunday, August 5. — Rose early, saddled up, and started ;
followed the road for several miles, when we concluded to
wait until some company came up, from whom we could get
something to eat, not knowing whether our train was in
advance or behind us. If behind, we fear they will wait,
thinking that the Indians have detained us. We set about
to kill some birds, but did not succeed very well ; however,
we should not have suffered, as long as beans were so
abundant. About 10 o'clock our company came up ; our first
inquiry was for something to eat, which they fortunately
had handy, and started, eating our breakfast on horseback;
they had left "signs" in the road when they turned off to
encamp, which we had overlooked. The general course of
the Gila to-day has been south. We stopped twice to rest
and graze our animals, and did not reach camp until 9>
o'clock p.m. Crossed the points of several mountains ; suf-
fered from thirst; a laborious day's march; Charles Gath-

180 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

wait lay down in the road, during the evening, said he was
sick, and would rather die on the spot than attempt to go
farther. I was some distance behind the company when I
came up with him, being detained, driving along a jaded
horse. I urged Charley to mount his mule and go along,
but it was vain to try to persuade him; I found that he
had a burning fever on him, gave him a portion of the
water left in my canteen, and started on to overtake the
company. We were rejoiced when we again reached the
river, and immediately encamped. Not finding any feed, we
were obliged to tie our suffering animals up to "rock fod-
der," for it is better to have even a poor mule than none
at all. Gathwait came up during the night. John Franklin,
the Polander, also fell behind the company by some means,
during the day's march. He is on foot and alone, we having
brought his mule along in the train. He has not come up.
Distance, 30 Miles— 1800.

(To be continued)

NECROLOGY

Mrs. Ruth Hanna Simms. — Wife of former Congress-
man Albert G. Simms, herself at one time a member of the
national house of representatives, Mrs. Ruth Hanna Simms
had won distinction in diverse fields and her death on the
last day of 1944 was a distinct loss not only to her adopted
state, New Mexico, but to the nation. As stated by ex-
President Herbert Hoover: "Never was one more devoted
to the welfare of the country. Her passing will leave a gap
in American life."

Mrs. Simms was born in Cleveland, Ohio, on March 27,
1880, the daughter of United States Senator Marcus A.
Hanna and Charlotte A. Rhodes. Her education was gained
in private schools at Dobbs Ferry, New York, and Farming-
ton, Connecticut. She was twice married. Her first hus-
band, U. S. Senator Medill McCormick, whom she wed
June 10, 1903, died February 25, 1925. The second mar-
riage was to Albert G. Simms, who had served a second
term in congress at the same time that Mrs. Simms was a
member. The wedding took place on March 9, 1932, the
marriage also being the second for Mr. Simms, lawyer arid
banker of Albuquerque.

Her father's pupil and associate, Mrs. Simms was thor-
oughly informed in political strategy and legislative pro-
cedure. Active member in Republican women's organiza-
tions, she lobbied for child labor laws in the Illinois legisla-
ture in 1915 as representative also of the Illinois Consumers'
League. Three years before, she had joined the Progressive
Party and was active at headquarters in its 1912 campaign.
Rejoining the Republican ranks, she became Republican
national committee woman from Illinois, 1924 to 1928. Then
followed her service in the house of the 71st congress, 1929
to 1931, as the member-at-large from Illinois. She was the
Republican nominee for the United States senate from that
state in 1930. Continuing her political activities after tak-
ing up her residence in New Mexico she was a delegate from
New Mexico to the Republican national convention in Chi-
cago in 1944.

181

182 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

One of the owners of the Chicago Tribune, Mrs. Simms
was also president of the Rockford (111.) Consolidated
Newspapers and of Radio Station W R 0 K. Her interest
in education led her to the founding of the Sandia School
for Girls near Albuquerque, erecting fine buildings for the
school, which was taken over later by the War Department
and is now planned to be the home for a State Hospital,
recently authorized by the New Mexico legislature. Founder
of the Manzano Day School in Albuquerque she was also a
trustee of the Fountain Valley Boys School in Colorado
Springs and had been a member of the board of regents of
the Museum of New Mexico in Santa Fe. Among her other
civic activities were included membership in the Women's
Trade Union League, the Business and Professional
Women's Club, the American Association for Labor Legis-
lation, Women's Clubs for Civic Improvement in Chicago,
the Cuarto-Centennial Coronado Commission of New Mex-
ico, and other organizations. A friend and patron of art,
Mrs. Simms maintained an art gallery at her beautiful home
on Los Poblanos Ranch near Albuquerque and was a patron
of an annual summer music festival held there. Her friend-
ships and acquaintanceships included statesmen, political
and educational leaders, painters, writers, musicians of
national fame.

In addition to these activities, Mrs. Simms with her
husband was deeply interested in agricultural and livestock
improvement, not only at Los Poblanos Ranch but also on
the great Trinchera cattle and sheep ranch in southern Colo-
rado on the northern New Mexico border of which she was
the manager. It was while on the ranch that she was
thrown by her horse, an accident, which it is believed,
brought on her fatal illness, although she had been dis-
charged from the hospital for the fracture she had suffered
from the fall. She was a member of the American Live-
stock Association and the Holstein-Friesian Association,
active in developing pure-bred Holstein cattle.

Besides her husband, there survive Mrs. Simms two of
her daughters by her first marriage: Mrs. Peter Miller of
Chicago, and Mrs. Cortlandt (Katrina McCormick) Barnes

NECROLOGY 183

of New York. A son, Medill McCormick, 21 years old,
was killed on a mountain-climbing expedition in the Sandja
Mountains in 1938, his body being found only after days of
search. A great boulder, brought at Mrs. Simms' direction
from the Sandias, marks the little ever-green shaded plot
in Fairview Cemetery, Albuquerque, where she was interred
beside her son. The funeral services took place in St. John's
Episcopal Cathedral in Albuquerque, conducted by Bishop
James M. Stoney, U. S. Circuit Judge Samuel G. Bratton
pronouncing the eulogy. The active pall bearers were:
Gustave Baumann, Clifford Dinkle, Hugh B. Woodward,
Robert Dietz III, William G. Sganzini and James F.
O'Connor.

From a tribute paid Mrs. Simms by Raymond Moley,
noted publicist and journalist, in the Wall Street Journal,
the following excerpt is taken :

"The late Ruth Hanna McCormick Simms had many
claims to distinction. But probably the greatest of these
was the fact that she inherited from her father the most
astute knowledge of political facts and forces that any
woman has had in our time. As a young women she was
Mark Hanna's companion, assistant and confidante. She
was at his side in the epochal campaigns in which he was
a principal figure. She saw him as those of his generation
knew him — not as the mythical figure which our generation
has created out of its imperfect memory. For while Mark
Hanna brought to the support of his party the money and
the glory and the primitive power of the business commun-
ity, he was far from being an exponent of boodle and reac-
tion. As an employer he was known as fair with labor, and
in his later days as a Senator he was giving attention to
the establishment of sound relations between capital and
labor. His advocacy of ship subsidies was a far-sighted
effort, after the United States had embarked on its Pacific
adventure, to build up a great merchant marine as a supple-
ment to a great and necessary navy. If Congress had spent
a few of the millions Hanna wanted it to spend then, billions
of dollars' worth of hastily constructed ships in 1917 and
1918 might have been saved.

184 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

"Ruth Hanna became a mighty factor in the career of
her first husband, Medill McCormick. They followed T. R.
out of the Republican party and, later, McCormick was a
member of the House and, still later, a Senator. After his
death, his wife won a brief Congressional career of her
own. Her business interests since her retirement from ac-
tive politics were extensive and successful.

"Mrs. Simms spent nearly 50 years in real political
activities. When she achieved public office she did it on her
own. She knew the infinite labor of organization, the wear
and tear of speech-making, the careful thought which should
precede political decisions. To know her was to respect her
powerful sense of public reactions, her liberal views on pub-
lic policies and her intimate knowledge of all sorts and con-
ditions of people. There was nothing spasmodic, emotional
or impulsive about her judgments. She thought in terms of
long-range policy. And nothing so distinguished her as her
warm sympathy for the average human beings who, after
all, are the proper beneficiaries of wise political action."

P. A. F. W.

John R. McFie, Jr. — Report by the U. S. War Depart-
ment that John R. McFie, Jr., was killed on February 7,
1945, by enemy action during the shelling by the Japanese
of the Santo Tomas internment camp at Manila on Luzon
in the Philippines, has brought sorrow not only to his
immediate family and other relatives but also to the large
number of friends who esteemed him for his fine person-
ality.

The deceased was the son and namesake of the late
Judge McFie, a veteran of the Civil War, who for many
years was a justice of the Supreme Court of the Territory
of New Mexico, one of the founders of the Agricultural Col-
lege and (later) a founder and regent of the Museum of
New Mexico and the School of American Research.

John R. McFie, Jr., was born in Las Cruces, County of
Dona Ana, on April 25, 1889. He was a prep, student at
the Territorial College (1904-5), but the family home had
been moved to Santa Fe in 1899 and there he graduated from

NECROLOGY 185

High School. Later at Albuquerque, he completed the
business course at the University of New Mexico. Taking
the law course at the University of Michigan, he graduated
from that institution in June, 1914, and was admitted to the
New Mexico Bar, practicing his profession in Santa Fe,
Gallup and Albuquerque. A regent of the University of
New Mexico, he resigned to join his brother, Ralph, a quar-
ter of a century ago in the Philippine Islands. At Manila
he engaged in the practice of law and in extensive business
activities, including a hemp plantation on Mindanao.

McFie served in World War I, was cited at Verdun for
bravery and was commissioned a lieutenant. In 1928, at
Kobe, in Japan, he was married to Dorothy Podmore who
was interned with him in Santo Tomas University but was
freed by the U. S. troops who took Manila. She was reported
seriously ill, but has since then arrived in Los Angeles
where she is near the older son, Merwin, a lieutenant in
the U. S. Air forces. The other son, Colin, aged 15, is with
relatives in Honolulu, Hawaii Islands. Surviving McFie
also are a twin sister, Mrs. Lawrence B. Lackey, and Mrs.
Lansing B. Bloom (both of Albuquerque) and Miss Amelia
McFie of Los Angeles.

On January 30, 1941, McFie was installed as most wor-
shipful grand master of Masons in the Philippines, for the
Masonic year 1941-42. The Cable Tow of February 1941,
published in Manila, supplies some additional data which
indicate his professional, business and social activities :

. . . past secretary New Mexico bar association, 1917;
admitted to the bar of the Philippines May 1, 1922; past
president American bar association of the Philippines, 1934 ;
associated with law firm of Fisher, DeWitt, Perkins &
Brady, 1922-25 ; member of law firm of Ohnick & McFie,
1926-29 ; head of his own law offices, 1929-41 ; member of
advisory judicial council, 1934; member, board of bar exam-
iners of the Philippines, 1928, 1934, 1935.

Volunteer, First World War; 2nd lieut. 140th Tr. Hq.
& M. P. Co. (1917-18) ; 1st lieut. 159th Inf. 40th Div. U. S.
Army, A. E. F. (1918-19) ; lieut.-comdr., U. S. N. R.,

186 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

L-V(S) 1938-41; 1st vice-comdr. Manila Post No. 1, Amer-
ican Legion (1941).

President, Mineral Enterprise, Inc. ; pres., Pasig Boule-
vard Development Co.; vice-pres., Manila Building & Loan
Assoc. ; member of B. P. 0. E., Army & Navy Club, Manila
Polo Club, Manila Golf Club, Wack Wack Golf & Country
Club ; member, Phi Gamma Delta fraternity.

P. A. F. W.

NOTES AND COMMENTS

La Villa de Santa Fe. — Our apologies to the imagina-
tion of Ralph Twitchell. Our friend, the Colonel along with
his other suave and genial qualities, was not lacking in
imagination at times; but we have found that we were
mistaken in thinking that he had no authority for the longer
form of name for Santa Fe (p. 108, supra) .

While scanning through W. W. H. Davis' El Gringo
for some other information, we were startled to find that
Chapter II closes with the remark, "and shortly we were
within the limits of the city of the Holy Faith of Saint
Francis." And again, at the opening of Chapter VII, we
find : ". . . Santa Fe, or, as it is sometimes written, Santa Fe
de San Francisco, the city of the Holy Faith of Saint Francis
. . ." This takes us back to 1856 — and the query now is,
where did Davis get it?

Knowing that he had drawn freely from the classic of
Josiah Gregg, we turned to the Commerce of the Prairies
(ed. 1845) , and in Vol. I, p. 143, is the statement: "We some-
times find it written Santa Fe de San Francisco (Holy Faith
of St. Francis), the latter being the patron, or tutelary
saint."

Unfortunately Gregg does not tell us where he had seen
the name written in this form, or by whom. Someone may
have introduced the change during the short Mexican period
(1821-46) ; certainly the invariable useage during the long
Spanish period, so far as our observation goes, has been
to write the name without any qualifying phrase. — L. B. B.

Grollet, Grole, Grule, Gurule. — It seems to have been
Bandelier who first called attention to three Frenchmen who,
as unmarried youths, were members of the ill-fated La Salle
expedition of 1684-85. They were among the few survivors
who were found by the Spaniards in the hands of Texas
Indians. After they had been examined and released, either
from choice or compulsion they decided to remain in New
Spain; and some years later, they all showed up in New
Mexico.

187

188 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Twitchell, Spanish Archives of New Mexico, I, 12-15,
quotes at considerable length from an article by Bandelier
which appeared in the Nation of August 30, 1888. It seems
that Bandelier had found among some old papers at Santa
Clara pueblo an "Ynformacion de Pedro Meusnier, frances
— 1699." The names of Juan de Archeveque and Santiago
Groslee appeared as witnesses, and among other facts
brought out was the fact that all three had come from
France with La Salle in 1684. In 1699, Meusnier and Arche-
veque were soldiers of the garrison in Santa Fe; Groslee
was a resident of that town.

Said Bandelier further : "There was only one L'Arche-
veque in La Salle's ill-fated expedition, . . . while Groslee
seemed to be Grollet, the sailor," native (as he deposed)
of La Rochelle. "I have since found the latter as Grolle
and Groli in two official documents now in my possession.
As late as 1705 he was a resident of the little town of Berna-
lillo."

It seems beyond any reasonable doubt that Grollet
did settle in the lower valley, and left at least one son
named Antonio. The name appears in various documents
of the next thirty years and with variant spellings. In fact,
the name was then in transition from the French to the
Spanish form. In a litigation over water rights in 1733
in "the jurisdiction of the Villa of Alburquerque," one of
those involved was named regularly as "Antonio Grole,"
yet his signature in the same papers is found in the two
forms, "Antonio Grule" and Antonio Gurule." (Twitchell,
op. rit., II, doc. no. 379) But still more interesting, the same
man participated in a council of war at Alburquerque on
January 29, 1734, and we find the statement: "Antonio
Grolet se conforma en todo con el parecer de el Capitan
Martin Hurtado, y lo firma. — Antonio Gurule (rubric)"
(Twitchell, op. cit., II, doc. no. 396) It would seem, there-
fore, that the fairly common family name in New Mexico
today traces back to the Frenchman Grollet. — L. B. B.

MOtts

Historical <J$gvi

PALACE OF THE GOVERNORS, SANTA FE"

July, 1945

LANSING B. BLOOM

Editors
Associates

PAUL A. F. WALTER

PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND

FRANK T. CHEETHAM THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M.

FRANCE V. SCHOLES

VOL. XX

JULY, 1945

No. 3

CONTENTS

A Du Val Map of New Mexico, 1670
The Estancia Springs Tragedy .

Page
. Frontispiece

. Charles Pope 189

History of the Albuquerque Indian School (continued)

Lillie G. McKinney 207

The Weapons of American Indians . . . D. E. Worcester 227

From Lewisburg to California in 1849 (cont'd) (ed.) L.B. B. 239

Necrology :

Alvan Newton White .
Numa C. Frenger .
Frank Bond ....

Reviews and Notes:

The Wild Horse of the West .
A Du Val Map of 1670 .
Folks Art Conference

. P.A.F.W. 269

. P. A. F. W. 270

P. A. F. W. 271

P.A.F.W. 274
. L. B. B. 277
P.A.F.W. 279

The NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the Historical
Society of New Mexico and the University of New Mexico. Subscription to the
quarterly is $3.00 a year in advance; single numbers, except those which have
become scarce, are $1.00 each.

Business communications should be addressed to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State
Museum, Santa Fe, N. M. ; manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be
addressed to Prof. L. B. Blooin, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M.

Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico
UNIVERSITY PRESS. ALBUQUERQUE, N. M.

^WEAI^UAl CAN1DA ou

5^*. ^^^^fc^^r -~A . *" • - '••*- ' **/tc«

^fjfdf c^^\y^t-

A Du VAL MAP OF NEW MEXICO, 1670

(see pages 276-278)

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW

VOL. XX JULY, 1945 No. 3

THE ESTANCIA SPRINGS TRAGEDY
By CHARLES POPE

I WAS born and raised in the down-town section of a large
mid-Western city where my father was a practising
physician. In the spring of a year in the middle eighties
when I was a lad of fifteen, my parents became concerned
because I was under weight and not very strong for my
age. Believing my health would be benefited by a summer
in the open air, they arranged to have me spend the vacation
period on a ranch in the far West as the guest of an old
family friend, a Dr. Edward Henriques. To a city bred boy
who was tired of school, whose mind was full of secret long-
ings to be a cowboy, it was a fascinating prospect.

A native of northern Michigan, of French descent, and
a graduate of a well known medical college, Dr. Henriques
had served several years as an assistant to my father. Both
of my parents were much attached to him. In my home,
he was like another son. To me, he was like an older
brother.

It was the era of railroad expansion and construction.
When the Santa Fe railroad, building across the continent,
offered the doctor the position of Company physician at
the various railhead construction camps, my father be-
lieved it a rare opportunity to acquire valuable experience
and persuaded him to accept it. But in 1879, when the
track reached Las Vegas, he resigned, opened an office for
the practise of medicine and married a lady who was a
member of a prominent, wealthy and much respected fam-
ily of Spanish ancestry with extensive land holdings

189

190 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

throughout the territory. My summer was to be spent
on a ranch belonging to his wife's family.

The long railroad journey across the great plains was
interesting but uneventful. My first stop-over was Las
Vegas, formerly a sleepy little Mexican settlement but al-
ready transformed into a thriving community with many
modern buildings and some six thousand enterprising citi-
zens. The doctor met me at the depot and took me to his
comfortable but not pretentious home in the suburbs where
I received a cordial welcome from his wife, a beautiful and
charming woman, who had been educated in the East and
spoke perfect English.

An arresting figure in any company, Dr. Henriques —
with greying hair and a close clipped grey mustache — was
a tall, slender, broad shouldered, dignified man in his middle
thirties. Quiet and soft spoken, with a disarming smile,
he made friends easily and was well liked.

During the few days I spent in Las Vegas, the doctor
and his wife exerted themselves to entertain me, showing
me the sights. I remember they took me to the neighbor-
ing "hot springs," to see the palatial hotel the railroad had
built to catch the tourist trade, now, I believe, converted
into a sanitorium. But the big event was the "grand"
Fourth of July ball at the city hall where, to the music of
fiddles, guitars and an accordion, I saw ladies in full evening
dress dancing with men in tails, white ties and gloves,
and in the same quadrille, in true pioneer style, with cow-
boys in boots and blue overalls.

But the doctor's home was not a cheerful place. I
had never been specially observant yet I could not but
notice the pall of restrained sadness ever present in the
house, the moments tears gathered in the eyes of my hos-
tess. I sensed the trouble was serious altho from the
affectionate way the doctor and his wife addressed each
other, I was sure they were not having domestic differences.
I was puzzled. I did not know it was the aftermath of
a tragedy, a shock from which my kindly hostess had not
fully recovered but before any outside busybody enlightened

THE ESTANCIA SPRINGS TRAGEDY 191

me, the doctor and I left Las Vegas,, taking a train for a
station south of Albuquerque.

There we were ferried across the Rio Grande river
to one of the many ranches belonging to the family of the
doctor's wife where we spent the night. Early the next
morning, riding in a buckboard behind a matched pair of
thorough-bred driving horses, we started on the first Teg
of a leisurely trek eastward thru a pass in the moun-
tains, headed for Estancia Springs, another family ranch
that was to be my home for the summer. It was a dry
country, uninhabited and wild, but the doctor knew the
little traveled road and so timed our journey that, when
night overtook us, we would make camp at a water hole.
Then, after hobbling the horses, he would build a fire and
cook supper. Afterwards, as we did not carry a tent, we
rolled in blankets and slept under the stars.

The doctor did not wear a belt studded with cartridges
or carry a bolstered gun on his hip. Except for a broad
brimmed felt hat, then called a "Stetson," he did not look
like the heavily armed Westerners pictured in the story
books but he was not weaponless. Between us, lying on
the seat of the buckboard, was a loaded revolver. Not for
protection from bandits — the doctor said there weren't
any bandits — but to be handy in case we met a bear. To
my supreme disappointment, we did not see a bear. The
drive was made without an exciting incident.

Altho singularly averse to talking about himself,
the doctor could, when so disposed, express himself clearly
and concisely but at best he was not a talkative man. Never-
theless he was a pleasant companion, kind and always will-
ing to answer my eager questions, to tell me whatever I
wanted to know. Altogether it was a wonderful experi-
ence for a boy totally unfamiliar with out-door life.

On the morning of the third day, we were in the foot-
hills with the mountains behind us. Soon the doctor said
we were entering a broad valley and at a junction with a
more traveled road, we were able to sight the ranch build-
ings, still far away. By noon, the hills had leveled. In

192 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

the evening, we arrived at the ranch. There, ready to
greet their employer, the middle-aged American foreman
had assembled the cowboy employees, a rough and care-
free crew, jolly and playful, half of them young Americans,
half of them young Mexicans, all unfeignedly glad to see
him.

These cowboys were superb horsemen, experts at
roping with the lasso but they did not wear the stunning
costumes familiar to patrons of the modern rodeo, "Wild
West" show or the cinema. Instead of gorgeous silk neck-
erchiefs and shirts, their neckerchiefs were cotton ban-
dannas, their shirts flannel. Instead of neatly tailored,
doe skin pants, they wore shapeless blue overalls. Instead
of "ten gallon" hats, they wore soiled and battered "Stet-
sons." A few wore chaps, a few wore spurs but their
boots, worn down at the heels, were never polished. They
seldom shaved, their hair was seldom trimmed and around
the ranch house, they never carried firearms. Only on
long rides did they wear a belt with a holstered gun, not
for fighting but because sometimes they had to shoot a
rattlesnake, a coyote or a skunk.

Nowadays people expect a cowboy to sing. Romancers
delight in describing him twanging a guitar in the moon-
light as he serenades a beautiful young lady but, at the
Springs, I found it to be a delusion. We did have many
moonlight nights but if there had been a guitar on the
ranch, none of the boys could play the instrument and
assuming some one among them could sing, which I doubted,
there wasn't a young lady, beautiful or otherwise, within
miles of the ranch to be serenaded.

But altho the boys had little schooling and few social
accomplishments, they knew their business. In their work,
they were capable at everything they were ordered to do.

Lying in the midst of a vast dusty plain they called
the "Valley," the ranch — with no near neighbors — centered
around an inexhaustible running spring. Even in the hot-
test weather of the dryest season, its overflow kept a
shallow lake — about the size of an average city block —
constantly filled with cold wholesome water. Later I was

THE ESTANCIA SPRINGS TRAGEDY 193

to learn it was the most dependable spring in a country
notoriously dry, and that its possession made the ranch a
very valuable property, so valuable that greedy men had
coveted it, fought and killed for it, and even died for it.

From the lake, as far as the eye could see, the sun-
baked, treeless, plain stretched away monotonously flat
until it merged with the horizon in every direction except
in the west where the blue peaks of the distant mountains
showed against the sky-line. Unlike the green fields of
the east, the parched uncultivated land — crisscrossed by
cattle paths and pockmarked with gopher or prairie dog
holes — seemed to me to be sparsely covered with drab
colored brush and weeds. Under the bright sun of a cloud-
less sky, it impressed me as a desolate country, devoid of
scenic beauty.

With several hundred brood mares, the Springs was
primarily a horse ranch. The lake was only partly fenced
and besides their horses and a few head of their own
cattle, stock in countless numbers from near and even
distant ranches used it freely as a drinking place. No one
fed these cows — all the cattle were called "cows" — and
certainly they were not fat and sleek. Most of them were
lean boney "Texas long horns," so named for their long
and formidably pointed horns, but none of them looked
starved. Later, among other surprises, I was also to learn
that the soil about the ranch was rich, that there was an
abundance of coarse grass, that the country was called
"good grazing range."

The main ranch house, fronting the lake, was an old,
one-story, rambling structure with thick adobe walls, a
flat roof and low ceilings. Built with two wings like the
letter "u," one wing was the mess hall and kitchen. The
foreman and his wife occupied the other wing. Between
the wings was a long covered porch. Behind the porch was
a row of large rooms, the sleeping quarters of the bachelor
cowboys and, with conventional Western hospitality, any
strangers who might be passing by.

Nearby were several small adobe shacks or cabins used
at various times by Mexican employees when accompanied

194 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

by their wives and families. Back of the ranch house
was an adobe stable and several pastures. Enclosed by
a high and substantial fence was the corral, shaped like a
circus ring.

The weather was hot. It was a windy country and
as the doors and windows of the ranch house were never
closed, it was impossible to keep out the dust. The floors
were swept occasionally but life was carelessly indifferent.
Flies, mosquitoes, ants and other insect pests flew or
crawled in and out unhindered but no one complained or
was bothered except perhaps a new-comer and then only
until he became accustomed or immune to these petty an-
noyances.

The doctor's visit to the ranch was for the purpose of
representing his wife's family at the annual branding and
counting of the Spring crop of colts. Preparing for his
coming, the cowboys employed on the ranch had rounded
up bands of horses from all parts of the surrounding coun-
try and herded them into one of the fenced pastures near
the ranch house. At dawn of the morning after our arrival,
the work started. In the center of the corral, the doctor,
the foreman and several cowboys grouped about a small
fire built to heat the branding irons. Then from the
pasture, other cowboys cut out approximately thirty head —
a few geldings, perhaps a stallion but principally mares,
followed, of course, by their colts — drove them into the
corral and closed the gate. As the frightened animals seek-
ing to escape, milled frantically, the colts were picked out
one by one, roped, thrown, dragged to the center, tied,
held down and branded. After all the colts in the band
were branded, the gate was opened and the horses turned
loose. Then another band was driven in from the pasture
and its colts given the same treatment.

Happily seated on top of the high corral fence where
I could enjoy the spectacle in safety, I kept tally of the
animals branded while marveling at the dexterity of the
cowboys. They were not giving a show-off performance
but their teaming was perfect. When one of them roped
a colt by the neck, another would rope the hind feet and it

THE ESTANCIA SPRINGS TRAGEDY 195

seemed to me they never missed. The sun was broiling
hot, the air was full of dust and the pungent smell of
horse sweat, wood smoke and burnt hair but the work pro-
ceeded methodically until, on the first day, some eighty
colts were branded.

After supper that evening, while all hands were sit-
ting on the porch in the twilight, resting, smoking and
chatting, the foreman told how a stray mongrel dog, a
huge vicious beast, probably part wolf, was prowlitig
around the ranch and had already fought and nearly killed
his two pedigreed grey hounds, valuable animals he had
imported from the East to use in colder weather for
coursing jack-rabbits. He had tried to shoot it with a
revolver but it was wary and he could not get close enough
to hit it. Then he had tried to shoot it with the only long
range weapon on the ranch, a 45 calibre Sharp's rifle, but
had missed it.

While he was speaking, one of the boys pointed and
said, "There he is," and in the distance we saw the animal
sitting and watching us.

The doctor said, "Let me take a shot at him."

The foreman went in the ranch house, got the rifle
and handed it to him. The doctor stood erect and was
raising the heavy weapon to his shoulder when the dog,
suddenly alert, bounded to its feet and was already run-
ning swiftly across the line of vision before, in one quick
movement, he coolly leveled the gun, sighted, fired and —
the animal turned a complete somersault. Then it lay still.

Unheeding the murmur of applause from the cow-
boys, the doctor merely said, "A lucky shot." Then he
returned to his chair, laid down the rifle, and as if nothing
unusual had happened, rolled and lighted a cigarette. He
did not speak of the dog again.

Curious to see the effect of the shot, I accompanied
some of the cowboys who stepped off the distance. It
was more than three hundred yards. The dog had been
drilled thru the body directly behind the foreleg. I had
never seen a rifle fired but even to my inexperienced eyes
it was extraordinary marksmanship. I quite agreed with

196 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

one of the boys whom I overheard saying, "The doctor is a
wonder with a rifle." At that time I did not understand
why he added, "He is as fast and even better with a six-gun.
I'd say he is as good as Billy the Kid ever was."

Like every schoolboy in the land, I had read about the
exploits of William Bonney, in life notorious as the bandit
"Billy the Kid" but now dead and, by the newspapers, al-
ready made into a legendary figure, the typical gun-fighting
Western bad man. In this crude way, the cowboy was pay-
ing the greatest possible compliment to the doctor's skill
by comparing it favorably with the speed and deadly ac-
curacy of a young man who, twenty one years old, was
reputed to have shot and killed twenty one men.

Recalling that New Mexico was the scene of many
of "Billy the Kid's" activities, I asked, "Did you ever see
him?"

He answered, "Certainly. All of us knew him. He
stopped here often. Many nights, he slept at this ranch."

Emboldened, I questioned him further. "Was he a big
man?"

"No, he was a nice quiet little fellow. Everybody liked
him and he had lots of friends around here. If let alone,
he wouldn't harm anybody."

By the late afternoon of the second day,- some fifty
more colts had been branded and the wearisome branding
job was finished. The morning of the third day, the doctor
returned to Las Vegas and the cowboys were assigned to
another job, breaking new riding stock. Living all their
working hours in the saddle, each had a string of five or
six horses. As the work was hard and exacting, many
mounts soon outlived their usefulness and had to be re-
placed.

During the branding in the corral, likely animals were
picked and herded into a separate pasture. These recruit
horses were wild. None had ever had a rider on its back
or even a bit in its mouth.

The "breaking" took place, not in the corral but in the
open. A recruit was roped, thrown, held down and after
a wicked curb bit was forced info its mouth, it was bridled

THE ESTANCIA SPRINGS TRAGEDY 197

and blindfolded with a thick cloth. Then allowed to stagger
to its feet, it was held firmly by the head while it was
saddled, the girths drawn tight and to aid a rider in clamp-
ing his legs around the horse's body, the stirrups were
tied together. Now, with everything ready, the horse was
mounted by a cowboy equipped with a quirt and as soon
as the trembling animal was released, he lashed it about its
forelegs. Mounted on another horse, a helper cowboy
lashed its hindquarters. Under this terrific punishment,
the frantic horse seldom bucked but would dash blindly out
on the open prairie. There, quirted front and rear at every
step, it would run until, lathered with sweat, it would finally
stop from sheer exhaustion. Then, with all resistance
beaten out of it, the horse would be ridden back to the
corral, the cowboy would dismount, the blindfold be removed
and the animal turned into the pasture. The next day,
after putting the horse thru the same ordeal, they main-
tained it was broken and would stay broken.

In using this method to break horses, these men were
merely following established custom. They were not nat-
urally cruel. In reality, they were horse lovers. Few used
spurs or quirts and, once an animal was broken, almost
invariably they looked after it carefully and treated it
kindly.

The doctor left me in the care of the foreman and inci-
dentally, when that worthy man's back was turned, at the
mercy of the mischievous cowboys who were waiting im-
patiently for a favorable opportunity to have fun with me.
Not that they disliked me but, to them, I was a green
Eastern boy still wet behind the ears, a heaven sent victim
for their rough practical jokes. They wanted to test me
to determine if I was a sissy or a lad with enough courage
to take whatever they gave me without whimpering.

In the afternoon, with the foreman gone to look after
a horse that was lying sick a few miles from the ranch
house, their opportunity came. They started by asking
me if I had ever ridden horseback? When I answered
"no" and told them I was anxious to learn, they suggested
I begin by riding in the corral where, by an odd coinci-

198 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

dence, there was a gentle horse already saddled, bridled
and waiting for me.

When all the cowboys accompanied me to the corral,
it should have made me suspicious. If I had known any-
thing about horses, I would have backed down when I saw
it took two of them to hold the mean looking, restive horse
they had chosen for my debut as a rider. But I was gulli-
ble and too happy and preoccupied to notice how they
nudged each other when I neglected to test the saddle
girths, how they grinned when I committed a cardinal sin
by mounting the horse from the wrong side, how they
laughed when, sitting astride the horse, I told them to "let
him go" altho they could plainly see that my feet were
barely touching the stirrups. They thought the fun was
beginning.

Not having been told that all their riding horses were
trained to guide by the pressure of the bridle reins against
the neck, I attempted to turn the animal by pulling on the
bit. Instead of delighting the expectant cowboys by throw-
ing me, the outraged brute elected to spin around like a
top, whirling so fast my feet lost contact with the stirrups
and I was forced to cling giddily to the high pommel of
the Mexican saddle.

Perhaps purposely, the gate to the corral was not
closed. Frightened by the dangling stirrups no less than
by his clumsy rider, the horse climaxed his gyrations by
bolting thru the open gate. Then with the bit in his teeth
and completely out of control, he ran at full speed out on
the unfenced prairie with me hanging on to the friendly,
life-saving pommel, helpless and fervently hoping he would
not step in a gopher hole.

The fun loving cowboys had expected to see me thrown
on the soft ground inside the corral but aware of the dan-
ger of a fall on the sun baked, hard ground outside, they
were alarmed. Fearing an accident, they mounted their
horses and pursued me. They had a long chase and only
overtook me many miles from the ranch when my horse,
breathing heavily and covered with lather, stopped of his
own accord.

THE ESTANCIA SPRINGS TRAGEDY 199

Crowding around me, they asked me if I was scared?
If I had realized my horse was running away, no doubt
I would have been terribly frightened but when I truth-
fully answered "no" and told them I had enjoyed the ride,
they were mystified. I had done everything wrong but
perhaps I was a real rider and, anticipating their joke, had
turned the tables on them.

One of them dismounted and had just finished adjust-
ing my stirrups when my horse bolted again, this time
heading for the ranch house. Again I clung desperately
to the pommel. Again the cowboys pursued me but my
horse was fast and the race did not end until he ran irfto
the corral thru the open gate and stopped. Again the
cowboys surrounded me and asked if I was scared? Again
they were mystified when I answered "no" and told them
it was such a fine ride that I wanted to repeat it the next day.

Meanwhile the foreman had returned and heard of
my adventure. After supper, he took me aside and told
me he had intended to teach me how to ride by putting
me at first on a gentle, well trained animal but the cow-
boys had taken advantage of his absence and thoughtlessly
risked a serious accident by mounting me on a wild, half
broken horse. When he told me the horse had ran away
with me and he was mighty glad I wasn't hurt, I was
careful not to let him see I was shivering at the thought
of my narrow escape but, later, when he threatened the
crew with disciplinary measures, I realized their fate rested
in my hands and hastened to defend them. It was a joke
and I begged him to go easy with them.

The cowboys had expected a severe reprimand, per-
haps to be discharged. When they heard I had not com-
plained but had taken their part, it made me one of them.
From then on, there were no more jokes. They were my
pals and would do anything they could for me.

The next morning, the riding lessons started. The
kindly foreman was not a talker but he was a good teacher.
Intent on learning, I was an apt pupil, absorbed his instruc-
tions and made rapid progress. Soon I was allowed to ride
alone and as I quickly discovered I was not compelled to

200 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

give my entire attention to my gentle horse, I began to look
about and make observations. Incidentally, I studied the
brands on the cattle using the lake as a drinking place.

After supper a few nights later while I was sitting
on the porch gossiping with the crew, I remarked that al-
most all the cows I had seen around the ranch bore the
same brand. But as it was not the brand of the family
of the doctor's wife, I wanted to know who owned them?
The tight lipped foreman had left us and gone to his room
to pass the evening with his wife but the boys undertook
to answer me. All of them talked, interrupting and prompt-
ing each other. It was confusing and after this lapse of
time I can remember little of the exact language they used
but I have never forgotten the tragic tale they told.

Among the original white settlers of New Mexico was
the family of the doctor's wife. One of them, perhaps her
grandfather, probably her father, bought an old Spanish
land grant that presumably included the springs and lake
at Estancia and the land surrounding the lake. Here the
ranch house was built. Here, for many years, members
of the family lived, raised horses and cattle, and prospered.
Their ownership was never disputed until, a few years
before my visit, another old Spanish land grant was bought
by a man named Whitney, a Boston capitalist with visions
of the profits to be made in the cattle business if gone into
on a big scale. His purchase included not only a water
hole called Antelope Springs, located some five miles from
Estancia, but also included — it was claimed — the springs
and lake at Estancia and all the adjoining property. To
look after his interests, Whitney sent a younger brother,
a big blustering fellow, purseproud and egotistical, dom-
ineering and ruthless, a man totally devoid of tact, a brag-
gart who imagined he was a wonderful shot with a pistol.

When the younger Whitney arrived to take charge,
he was confronted by conflicting titles. Already settled and
raising cattle at Antelope Springs was a rancher who had
bought the site from the same people who had sold it
to the older Whitney. At Estancia Springs, he found the
ranch held by the family of the doctor's wife.

THE ESTANCIA SPRINGS TRAGEDY 201

To avoid expensive litigation, the rancher at Antelope
Springs sold Whitney his herd of cattle and his rights to
the site but when Whitney ordered the family of the doc-
tor's wife to vacate the property at Estancia Springs, they
not only flatly refused but would not negotiate with him.
If he disputed their title, he could bring suit against them
in the courts.

While pondering over his next move, Whitney made
his headquarters at Antelope Springs. There he employed
a foolhardy fighting foreman and began to buy more stock
but soon finding the springs would not yield enough water
for his augmented herd, his thoughts reverted to the un-
limited supply at Estancia. A scion of great wealth, intol-
erant of opposition and accustomed to take what he wanted,
he decided to act without waiting until the validity of his
title was adjudicated by the courts and planned a surprise
invasion. Needing reenforcements, he hired seven so
called Texas gunmen. With them and his foreman, he
raided the ranch, drove off the Mexican foreman and the
crew of Mexican cowboys who were in charge in the ab-
sence of the owners and took forcible possession of the
property.

Manuel Otero, the adored brother of the doctor's
wife, had succeeded his father as the head of the family.
From all accounts, he was a handsome man, kindly, gen-
erous and extremely popular, particularly with the Mexi-
cans residing in the territory. They idolized him. He
and the doctor were already on the way to visit the ranch
at Estancia Springs when the news of Whitney's invasion
reached them. They sent for the sheriff who happened
to be in the vicinity. They knew he would gather a posse
and come promptly to their assistance but Manuel was
impatient and would not wait for them. Unwisely he in-
sisted on pushing ahead without him.

At Estancia they were received in the messroom by
Whitney, the fighting foreman and the seven Texas gunmen
who filed into the room and took seats along the wall.

Manuel and Whitney did the arguing. Their debate
started quietly but quickly becoming heated, Whitney sud-

202 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

denly delivered an ultimatum, "You must lay down your
arms and leave this place," As he uttered these fateful
words, he and the foreman drew their guns.

As none of the boys who talked with me that evening
were eye witnesses to what followed, the story they told
was, of course, hearsay. . It was apparent they were parti-
sans and prejudiced. Maybe they exaggerated. I couldn't
say. I can only relate their version of the subsequent
happenings.

Altho Manuel Otero was armed, he had not made an
aggressive gesture but the impetuous foreman was too
cowardly to wait until he reached for his weapon. Taking
no chances, he shot him in the forehead, killing him
instantly.1

Then pandemonium broke loose. Suddenly panic
stricken, the seven gun-toting Texans deserted their em-
ployer, yelling, cursing and stumbling against each other
in a mad rush to get out of the smoke filled room.

No doubt Whitney had intended to support his hench-
man by shooting the doctor but he was slow getting into
action. Maybe he thought a physician could not be familiar
with firearms. Maybe he was unnerved by the tumult
around him. Maybe his vaunted prowess with a pistol was
a bluff. Whatever the cause, his arm was unsteady when
he fired. He did succeed in hitting the doctor in his left
arm but it was not until after his intended victim — cool
and lightning fast — had drawn his gun and shot and killed
the treacherous foreman.

Now left to fight a battle single-handed, Whitney made
a sorry showing. With less than a table's width between
them, his shots were wild and missed but the doctor's
shooting arm, his right arm, was not crippled and he did
not miss. He shot Whitney, not once but again and again
until the badly wounded braggart dropped his gun, fell
on the floor and cravenly begged for his life.

In a few brief seconds, the room was a shambles. Of
the four participants, Manuel Otero was dead. His gun

1. M. A. Otero, My Life on the Frontier, II, 103 gives the date of this killing
as Aug. 17, 1883.

THE ESTANCIA SPRINGS TRAGEDY 203

had not been fired. The fighting foreman was dead. He
had fired but one shot. Whitney lay moaning on the floor,
bleeding from many wounds. The doctor had a bullet
in his left arm.

As to what happened next, my narrators differed.
Some of them, hero worshippers, contended that the doc-
tor— gun in hand and eager to continue the battle — stood
in the doorway and made the Texans surrender their
weapons. Others said the sheriff's posse, nearing the
ranch, heard the firing, hastened and arrived in time to
disarm the Texans and — make Whitney a prisoner.

I was thrilled by the story but, to me, it was not com-
pleted and I pressed for more details. "Why did the
Texans run out after the fight started?" The cowboys
laughed and said no one believed they were real gunmen.
Besides they had been in the territory long enough to learn
of Manuel Otero's standing, especially with the Mexican
element of the population, to know their lives would not
be worth a thin dime if they took an active part in his
murder.

Then I wanted to know why the doctor did not kill
Whitney? One of the cowboys shrugged and answered,
"Quien sabe? Who knows?" Another said, "Me, I always
reckoned he was saving him to be hanged." But he wasn't
hanged. The sheriff did take him to Las Vegas. There he
was tried for the murder of Manuel Otero and I can well
remember my surprise and indignation when they told
me he was acquitted "because he did not fire the shot that
killed the doctor's brother-in-law" but more likely "because
his rich relatives spent no less than one hundred thousand
dollars to clear him."

When I asked what had become of Whitney, they
said they heard he had gone away to try to recover from
his wounds. They thought he would be afraid to ever
come back but his Boston outfit still made its headquar-
ters at Antelope Springs and was still in the cattle busi-
ness on a big scale. It was mostly their stock I had seen
around the lake.

To my question why the Whitney cattle were allowed

204 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

to water at the lake, they reminded me that it was only
partly fenced. The range was free. Anybody's horses or
stock could use the lake for a drinking place.

Finally, when I asked if they expected another raid,
they laughed again and said they thought the Whitneys
were through with raiding. They had had enough.

With the story of the cowboys foremost in my mind,
the next morning I cornered the foreman and endeavored
to get his version of the tragic affair. I remember how
he answered, "We have a good crew but the boys are young
and their tongues wag too much. None of us were here in
those days. None of us were in Las Vegas during the trial.
I suppose all of us have heard plenty but I know the doctor
does not like to talk about that killing or like others to
talk about it and I keep my mouth shut/' The kindly
foreman had snubbed me but he had started me thinking
and I was beginning to understand the sadness that lin-
gered in the doctor's home, how the tragedy was a subject
the family preferred not to discuss even with their friends.

During the days that followed, the time passed pleas-
antly. I had no duties to perform and could loaf or ride
about the country as I pleased. The food at the ranch
was abundant and, after I became accustomed to the Mexi-
can cooking, I thrived on it, gaining weight and strength.

Now accepted by the cowboys, I was enamored with
the out-door life they led until, at the urgent request of
the line-riders, I visited and spent several days and nights
with each of them in turn. These men lived alone in little
shacks, miles distant from the ranch house and from each
other. Craving companionship and delighted to have me
as a guest, I was made very welcome. I found that riding
the line from sunrise to sunset was interesting and some-
times exciting but at night, when I realized the line-rider
had no one to talk to and nothing to do but eat, smoke and
sleep — perhaps read if there was anything to read — I saw
the monotony and loneliness of his in-door life and was
disillusioned. The glamour of the cowboy faded and I was
glad I did not have to remain there permanently but could
return to my home and finish my education.

THE ESTANCIA SPRINGS TRAGEDY 205

In early September, with the arrival of the doctor in
his buckboard, I was quite satisfied to drive back with
him, cross-country, to Las Vegas. Not that I regretted
the summer at the ranch. I had enjoyed every minute of
it and I believe now I would have always felt frustrated
if I had not been given the opportunity to see the cowboy,
not as the fiction writers made him but as he actually
existed in those days.

On the ride out from the ranch as on the ride in, the
doctor was kind and friendly but he did not mention the
tragedy and I did not have the temerity to mention it to him.

After a few quiet days resting at the doctor's home in
Las Vegas, I left by train for my own home in the middle-
West. There my parents encouraged me to tell them about
my holiday on the ranch but when I started to talk about
the battle at the Springs, my father stopped me. He and
the doctor were close friends and, as they exchanged let-
ters, it is reasonable to assume my father knew all about
the sad affair. I am sure my father sympathized with
the doctor to the fullest extent but, like the foreman on
the ranch, whatever he knew he kept to himself. I cannot
remember hearing the tragedy discussed in my presence.
In fact, I never heard the doctor's version of the battle.

I was sent away to college, graduated and was soon
engrossed in a business career. At long intervals, frag-
ments of news about the Springs reached me. I remember
hearing that the U. S. courts had refused to validate the
land grant purchased by the one time head of the family
of the doctor's wife because of a flaw in the title. Thus
the land covered by the grant became public domain, open
to settlement by homesteaders. A few years later, my very
slight link with the doctor and his family was broken by
his untimely death.

Many years later, I heard that Whitney, after a
lingering illness, had died from his wounds. Then when
I heard the U. S. courts had refused to validate the land
grant purchased by his brother, the Boston capitalist, also
because of a flaw in the title, I could not but think of the
futility of the battle at the Springs. It would seem that

206 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

neither of the combatants had a clear title to the land they
claimed and fought over, that the blood had been shed in
vain.

I have never returned to the Springs but, with the
passage of time, I am told there are amazing changes.
Today, where cowboys rode, where great bands of horses
and vast herds of Texas long horn cattle roamed, there are
productive farms and orchards. Today, the ranch house
is gone. Only the lake remains, now the center of the
public park of the typical American town of Estancia,
a county seat with a fine water plant, railroad connections,
paved streets, electric lights, sanitary sewers, public schools,
a city hall, a public library and every modern improvement,
already the home of more than a thousand progressive citi-
zens. Few among them remember the sanguinary encoun-
ter at the Springs. Where a people live in the present and
look forward to the future, a tragedy of bygone years is apt
to be forgotten.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL'

By LILLIE G. McKiNNEY

(Continued)

CHAPTER IV

REMODELED INSTITUTIONAL LIFE

THE place left vacant by the resignation of Mr. Burton
B. Custer February 17, 1908, was filled the following
day by Mr. Reuben Perry, formerly supervisor at Wash-
ington. Mr. Perry had had fourteen years of experience
as a school man in the government service working among
Indians. He had handled many delicate situations suc-
cessfully, and had won the respect of his superiors.

Perhaps the two positions which he held that had the
most influence on the Albuquerque Indian school prior to
his superintendency at this place were his achievements
among the Navahos and the Hopis. On October 1, 1903,
he was appointed superintendent of the Indian school and
agency at Fort Defiance, Arizona.1 While there, he found
that the young men were devoting too much of their time
to gambling. The head men of the tribe were invited to
a powwow and so convincing were Perry's arguments that
the leaders gathered up all the cards that could be found
on the reservation and brought them to the agency to be
burned.2 Through wholehearted cooperation many prob-
lems of a serious nature to the Navahos were solved. Mr.
Perry served in this capacity until November 16, 1906, when
his splendid efforts were recognized by his appointment as
a supervisor to the Indians. As a result, he was sent to
the Hopi country accompanied by two companies of troops
and charged with the difficult mission of settling a civil
war that had broken out at Oraibi, between two factions
led by Yukeoma on one side and Tawaquaptewa on the
other. The belligerents were soon quelled, and Mr. Perry
and the troops departed.3 The Indian office next sent him

1. Personal interview with Mr. Reuben Perry March 24, 1934.

2. Ibid.

3. Ibid.

207

208 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

to various reservations and schools to help settle vexatious
religious problems that had arisen.4 After settling these,
the remainder of his time until February 16, 1908, was
spent as special investigator among Indian schools for the
commissioner of Indian affairs.5

These were fruitful years that fitted him peculiarly
for the superintendency of a growing boarding school be-
cause it gave him an opportunity to work out practical
applications of an educational philosophy acquired in his
work and study of Indians in the schools and on the reser-
vations. Furthermore, his special dealings and experi-
ences with the Navahos at Fort Defiance and with the
Hopis at Oraibi familiarized him with the Indians of the
Southwest to such an extent that the Indian school at
Albuquerque was benefitted greatly by his appointment.

Upon taking charge of the school,6 he found no fric-
tion existed between the previous superintendent and the
missionaries and priests. Nor did he permit ill-feeling to
arise during his administration. While supervisor, he had
learned the evil results on the Indian schools, of religious
quarrels, and had avoided arousing discontent among them
by working out a program agreeable to all the religious
denominations represented at the school, and then adhering
to it rigidly. Such a program enabled missionaries and
priests to devote all their allotted time to the religious in-
struction of the children; the results were gratifying. A
better feeling existed among the student body.

Most of the children of Mexican descent had been
removed by 1908. However, Mr. Perry discovered that
thirty-five Mexican students were still enrolled. They were
allowed to remain until June 1, when they were dismissed.
In this situation, as in previous situations, the superin-
tendent was tactful. He did not discuss the Indian-Mexican
issue with the parents of the latter at the time their chil-
dren were dismissed, but instead filled their places with

4. Ibid.

5. Ibid.

6. Mr. Perry entered upon his duties at the Albuquerque Indian School at a
salary of $1,800 per annum (an excellent salary for a superintendent of an Indian
school to receive in 1908).

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 209

full blood Indians from the reservations. When the Mexi-
can children applied for enrollment in the Indian school,
he refused admission on the ground that he was obeying
instructions from the Indian office: first, to admit only
those children that could prove their Indian blood; second,
to admit those children living out of reach of either an
Indian day school or a public school. Furthermore, he
stated that the capacity of the school was taxed to care
for those already enrolled, hence it would be impossible to
re-admit the Mexican children that had been dismissed, and
that those children excluded from the Indian school would
suffer no evil consequences since the city schools were
friendly toward Spanish speaking children.7

Ministers from the various churches in town took their
turn in conducting services Sunday evening at the school.
Pupils who were affiliated with denominations attended
their respective churches each Sunday morning. The
Sisters of the Catholic church came to the school every Sat-
urday in the afternoon and on Sunday in the afternoon
to instruct pupils belonging to their church. All religious
work was attended with harmony.8

Literary work showed satisfactory advancement con-
sidering the changes made among employees.9 Four pupils
graduated from the eighth grade. Eight girls were given
lessons on the piano and a good band was maintained by
the boys under the instruction of the shoe and harness
maker. The closing exercises were interesting and instruc-

7. Annual Report, pp. 1-2, 1909.

8. Ibid.

9. Ibid., p. 6. Employees relieved of duty were: Fleming Lavender, Bhoe and
harness at $600 per annum (for poor health) ; Addie E. Lavender, teacher, $600 (to
accompany husband) ; Ada M. James, assistant seamstress, $400 (resigned February
29) ; Katie E. Custer, matron, $660 (to accompany husband) ; Catherine McMinn,
assistant cook, $480 (discharged April 17) ; and E. H. Colegrove, disciplinarian, $800
(transferred to Chilocco, Okla., at the request of Superintendent Wise). New em-
ployees coming to the school were: Carrie G. Walworth, assistant seamstress, $400
a year ; Emma C. Beeler, matron, $660 ; Mary E. Metzler, nurse, $600 ; Mary E. Perry,
clerk, $780 ; Katie House, assistant matron, $300 ; Hattie J. Hickson, matron, $660 ;
John T. Hickson, assistant cook, $480 (temporary) ; William E. Henley, carpenter,
$720; Mrs. E. H. Colegrove, assistant seamstress, $400; Mable E. Egeler, teacher,
$600 ; San Juan Naranjo, shoe and harness, $600 ; Mrs. Grace Osborne, assistant
matron, $540 ; and Edwin Schanandore, disciplinarian, $800.

210 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

live.10 The local paper11 gave the following account of the
program given at this time :

The oration, 'How We Do Things', by
George Martin was to the point and showed
both careful thought and good training in
delivery. The demonstration which followed
showed the different trades taught at the
school. Practical illustrations in carpenter-
ing, shoemaking, wagonmaking, blacksmith-
ing, and dressmaking. This feature was espe-
cially interesting as it showed those present
that the government is striving to give the
Indian practical working education, both lit-
erary and industrial, and those advocating
more manual training in the schools, would do
well to pay a visit to the Albuquerque Indian
School.

The girls received, during the year, instruction in
housework, sewing, cutting, fitting, laundering, and cook-
ing; the boys were trained in carpentering, blacksmithing,
wagon making, engineering, shoe-making, cement work,
agriculture, especially landscaping and gardening.

A new office building and a residence for the superin-
tendent were erected during the year. All the carpenter
work, plumbing, installation of the heating plant and of the
lighting system was done by the school boys.12 The plant
was improved in appearance by painting a number of the
buildings, by planting 200 trees, by sowing part of the
grounds to grass, and by removing the wornout plank side-
walks.13 A dormitory was built for the small boys and a
mess hall for all the children.14 Recommendations were
made for a new dormitory to take the place of the old struc-
ture for large boys, and a new barn to increase the efficiency
of the school.

During the year seventeen girls worked for families
in Albuquerque and earned from ten to fifteen dollars a

10. Annual Report, pp. 1-2, (1909).

11. Albuquerque Morning Journal, May 29, 1908, p. 2, col. 2.

12. Annual Report, pp. 1-2, (1909).
13r Ibid., p. 3.

14. Ibid.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 211

month. It was impossible to supply the demand for this
kind of help.15 Besides those children working in Albu-
querque fifty-three boys went to Rocky Ford, Colorado, to
work in the beet fields.16

An event of importance to the school was the appoint-
ment of Clyde M. Blair, September 18, 1910, as principal
teacher at a salary of $1000 per annum.17 Mr. Blair was a
strong man, had administrative abilities, and was thor-
oughly qualified for the position. He had charge of the
kindergarten, primary, and grades; taught classes, super-
vised the library, literary societies, and was coach of ath-
letics.18 In addition he acted for the superintendent when
he was visiting Indian day schools under his jurisdiction.
His two chief virtues, efficiency and industry, were respon-
sible for his rapid promotions.19 At the close of the fiscal
year, 1910-1911, Mr. Perry had written to Cato Sells, com-
missioner of Indian affairs, recommending that the posi-
tion of principal teacher be abolished and the position of
principal be created in its place for Mr. Blair, at a salary
of $1,400 per annum, because this title would give him the
prestige that he needed and deserved.20

Evidently Mr. Blair filled the new position creditably
since the academic and industrial departments were made
to function more efficiently by raising the standards and
broadening the scope of work.21

15. Ibid.

16. Ibid.

17. Letter from Reuben Perry to Cato Sells (date on letter destroyed).

18. Address by John Milne, superintendent of the Albuquerque city schools, to
the Albuquerque Indian School graduates, Albuquerque, New Mexico, May 31, 1934.
Mr. Milne in his introductory remarks to the graduates said: "Mr. Blair who for
one year now has directed the affairs of this institution was principal of the high
school here twenty years ago. At that time I was also a high school principal and
it was my good fortune to work with Mr. Blair to work out a program of athletics
and other activities between the United States Indian School and the Albuquerque
High School. That was before the day of athletic associations to watch the eligibility
of players and to guard against the infringement of the rules that make for good
sportsmanship, but even in that period the boys of this institution were known for
their cleaness and willingness to lose the game rather than stoop to unfair tactics."

19. Personal interview with Mr. Fred Canfield, head of auto mechanic shop of
the Albuquerque Indian School, Albuquerque, New Mexico, February 6, 1934.

20. Letter from Perry to Sells (Note 17 supra).

21. A study of courses of study covering this period (undated but signed by
Mr. Blair). Cf. address by Superintendent John Milne to the graduates of the Indian
school: "From this school in Mr. Blair's time came Indian boys and girls to the

212 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Perhaps the most significant feature of the fiscal year,
1910-1911, was the adoption of the state course of study
for the purpose of fitting Indian pupils to enroll in the reg-
ular school system when the time arrived for them to do so.22
This was a forward step also toward higher education since
higher institutions of learning might accept the graduates
of the Indian school because they had studied the courses
outlined by the state superintendent for the public high
school children of the state.

The most outstanding feature of the year, 1911-1912,
was the record made by the athletic department coached by
Mr. Blair.23 In football, the Indian team defeated the Me-
naul team twenty-seven to zero on November 2, and twenty-
two to zero on November II.24 The Albuquerque High
School won over the Indians by a close score of six to five
on November 18, to capture the Interscholastic champion-
ship.25 The most spectacular game of football ever played
by the Indian team was played with the Las Vegas Normal
at Las Vegas, New Mexico, November 28, 1912. The
Indians "massacred" the Normalites sixty-two to zero.
"Halo Tso, the Indian fullback, and Left End Shipley played
a spectacular game and incidentally gained the most terri-
tory for the visitors."26 In baseball the Indians won from
Menaul on March 18. Platero for the Indians proved in-
vincible, striking out sixteen mission men. The score was
nine to two, and according to the local press the Indians

Albuquerque High School who had been inspired to go further than it was possible
to take them. Among those who did attend were some of the choicest characters of
the Southwest, and several today are themselves in the Indian Service. Others are
holding responsible positions where no question is asked but ability to do the job
well. The vision and ability of Mr. Blair in those early days as head of instruction
did much to place good behavior as a matter of intelligent action rather than because
of fear of punishment."

22. William Peterson, supervisor of Indian schools, "Indian Education," New
Mexico Journal of Education, V. 8, No. 15, pp. 57-58.

23. From a personal interview with Clyde M. Blair March 25, 1934. The vic-
tories in athletics, 1911-1912, for the Indians were due to the fact that Mr. Blair had
secured the services of Coach Hutchinson of the University of New Mexico to coach
the Indian boys in his spare time.

24. Albuquerque Morning Journal, Friday, Nov. 3, 1911, p. 3, col. 1, Cf., Ibid.,
Sunday, Nov. 12, 1911, p. 3, col. 1.

25. Ibid., Sunday, Nov. 19, 1911, p. 3, col. 1.

26. Ibid., Friday, November 29, 1912, p. 3, col. 4.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 213

shut out the University on April 1 with a score of seven
to zero. This game was at Traction Park.27 Certainly
athletics played an important part in the school for both
boys and girls.28

A kindergarten, primary, and eight regular grades
were maintained.29 The state course of study was used
which made it possible for the graduates to enter the local
high school. The grade work was equal to the work done
in the city schools of Albuquerque.30 It is a creditable fact
that graduates of this school have held their own in the
larger Indian schools wherever they attend them, and that
they have uniformly made good citizens after leaving
school.31 The boys' band was under the direction of Edwin
Schanandore, disciplinarian, and performed creditably.32

Good citizenship,33 the development of the body, the
necessity of living health, the ideals of the Christian re-
ligion, the desirability of learning a trade,34 and a love of
the best in music and in books became deep fundamentals
upon which the program for the school was built. Each
department of the school specialized in teaching a particular

27. Ibid., Sunday, April 2, 1912, p. 3, col. 3.

28. Ibid., Sunday, February 25, 1912, p. 7, col. 7. "Athletics are encouraged and
the boys make great showing in baseball and football. Their football team yearly
plays several games with the University of New Mexico in which they acquit them-
selves with credit. — Their football team has the reputation of being the hardest
playing aggregation in the city." Girls do not neglect athletics, however.

29. See appendix of typed thesis for list of graduates for 1011-1912.

30. Annual Report, p. 4, (1912).

31. Ibid., p. 4, Cf., Albuquerque Morning Journal, February 25, 1912, p. 7, col. 6.

32. Albuquerque Morning Journal, Sunday, Feb. 25, 1912, p. 7, col. 6.

33. Address of Superintendent John Milne to the graduating class of the Indian
School, May 31, 1934: "Here (Albuquerque Indian School) they have been prepared
for the responsibilities and privileges of citizenship. The part they have played in
the relationships of the school has given them an understanding of the spirit of
fairness, justice, intelligence, and goodwill. Here they have learned the importance
of honesty and cooperation. Here has been taught that one must subordinate his
selfish interests to the needs and wishes of others."

34. Albuquerque Morning Journal, Sunday, Feb. 25, 1912, p. 5, col. 2. "Some
idea of the size and importance of the United States Indian School considered one
of the most successful and extensive of the non-reservation schools, may be gained
from the interesting fact that 1,500 pairs of shoes a year, five pairs for each one
of the 300 odd students, and over 140,000 loaves of bread are necessary every year
for the footwear and the nourishment of the phalanx of boys and girls now being
trained at this big institution under the supervision of Superintendent Reuben Perry.

"Everything around the Indian school is done by Indians. They make beautiful
mission furniture ; they lay the sidewalks, and set up the wagons, and their mechanical
work shows the highest kind of skill and accuracy,"

214 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

phase of the scholastic program.35 All employees were
urged to lead the Indian children to accept this program.

Improvements moved forward during the fiscal year,
1911-1912. Sleeping porches were added to both the boys'
and the girls* dormitories,36 new bathing facilities were In-
stalled in the girls' dormitory, some employees' cottages
were improved, a steam heating plant was installed in the
school building, picket fences were built, and a new brick
barn was built very commodious and well arranged.37

When asked to participate, the school band furnished
music for various city and state functions, for Mr. Perry
kept before him the ideal that it was the duty of the school
to teach the children that service to the city and state was
demanded and expected of its citizens.38 Furthermore,
schools or individuals interested in scientific research among
the Indians of the Southwest found a sympathetic helper
in Mr. Perry.

By 1912 twenty-four acres of the school farm had been

35. Such departments were: scholastic, athletic, hospital, industrial, and mis-
sionaries.

36. Albuquerque Morning Journal, Sunday, February 25, 1912, p. 7, col. 1.
"The boys' and girls' dormitories are equipped with great sleeping porches with
their long rows of iron beds, each pupil keeping his or her bed in apple pie order,
and all garments being neatly hung tip in the locker rooms. The perfect order and
system is everywhere noticed throughout the institution. The sleeping porches have
large windows close together so that the pupils sleep practically in the open air.
Perfect sanitation is a feature of the building throughout."

37. Annual Report, p. 8, (1912). Cf., Albuquerque Morning Journal, Sunday,
February 25, 1912, p. 7, col. 1. "Superintendent Perry declares the large brick barn
50x80 ft. which has recently been finished is the best barn in the Indian Service,
particularly when its cost of $8000 is considered.

"The lower floor is devoted to stables, carriage and wagon house and accessories
while a vast loft is used for the storage of hay and feed in immense quantities."

38. Albuquerque Morning Journal, Thursday, Nov. 27, 1913, p. 8. col. 4. "The
Wednesday morning session of the N. M. E. A. was opened with splendid number
by the Albuquerque Indian school band. The military uniforms and soldierly bearing
of the A. I. S. players presented a striking picture on the stage and their playing
was one of the big hits of the convention. They gave 'A Day in the Cotton Fields,'
in a spirited manner, breathing at once into the assembled hearers a certain life
and vigor and interest such as nothing so much as band music can produce.

"They were splendidly received and loudly and insistently encored, but they
did not make a second appearance, owing to the fact that there was so much busi-
ness still to be attended ."

Members of the band were: L. P. Mix, Vicenti Garcia, Isaac Anallo, Manuel
Gonzales, Porfirio Montoya, Jose Sanchez, Abel Paisano, Herbert Zoyze, Antonio Jose,
Loyaro Chaves, Joseph Arling, and director (Schanandore).

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 215

reclaimed and brought to a high state of cultivation39 by
flooding it with silty river water, plowing and working it
up for several years, and planting to cane, corn, and such
crops. After such vigorous treatment it became free from
alkali and was ready to be sown to alfalfa or any other crop.

In 1912-1913 ten grades were being maintained. The
work was of good quality since the graduates were able to
enter the city high school. Four additional acres of the
school farm were reclaimed. The boys had done well with
their work in agriculture, for their products were valued
at $5,000.40 A large addition was built to the girls' dormi-
tory to care for an increased enrollment of forty-five. An
entirely new steam heating plant was installed in this build-
ing.41

Mr. Perry's agitation for permission to increase the
school enrollment got results in 1914 when Congress author-
ized an increase of 100 in enrollment. This victory led him
to renew his fight for a huge building program which finally

39. Report on the Soil of the School Farm, 1913 (Macy H. Lapham, inspector
Western Division).

"Soils of the Indian school grounds and farm are recognized under the type
name of Gila fine sandy loam. It is typically pinkish gray to light reddish or yel-
lowish brown color. The reddish tint is usually pronounced. The material is usually
without gravel and is of a friable structure under cultivation, but is readily main-
tained in good condition of tilth.

"When moist it is quite sticky and inclined to puddle and bake upon exposure,
particularly under conditions of poor drainage where it is not subject to cultivation
for some time.

"The subsoil generally consists of alternating layers or strata of clays, loams,
and sands. Frequently the sand is quite coarse and porous. The clay is stiff and
relatively impervious to water.

"The sand is usually in six feet borings. In the clay nodules or concretions
of lime carbonate are frequently found.

"Drainage is poorly developed. The water table is within a few feet of the
surface. The methods practiced by Mr. Armijo seems effective (that of deep plow-
ing, leveling, dyking, and flooding the land).

"From one to two years of flooding is necessary. It is plowed deeply previous
to the flooding so that leaching of the salts from the soil is hastened."

40. From an old report found in the office files of the Albuquerque Indian
School, Albuquerque, New Mexico, dated December 4, 1913. Levi Chubbuck, agri-
culturist, wrote that "Supt. Perry and Mr. Armijo, school gardener, successfully
overcame a serious alkali condition. It was believed that an expensive artificial
drainage system would be necessary to reclaim the land. Mr. Armijo is worthy of
large commendation for what has been accomplished through close practical observa-
tion at the expense of considerable labor and time but without initial expense of
installation of drains or other improvements requiring a high cash outlay, and with
quite satisfactory results in vegetables and farm crops."

41. Annual Report, p. 5, (1913).

216 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

materialized in part with the aid of the chamber of com-
merce, and friendly congressmen who were actively en-
gaged in the interests of the school. A plea was made for
a sufficiently large appropriation to build a shops building ;
a domestic science building to cost $7,000 ; a double cottage
for employees ; and a gymnasium and assembly hall to cost
$25,000. If built, these additions would represent a much
greater value than the appropriation indicated because the
boys would do the carpenter work under the guidance of
the carpenter instructor.42

The state course of study which had been adopted for
the Indian School in 1910 was used until 191543 when a
tentative course of study for Indians44 along more practical
lines was prepared under the direction of the commissioner
of Indian affairs and required in the various government
schools.45 The results obtained here in various phases of
school work were commendable. Especially interesting was
the exhibit at the State Fair.46

42. Albuquerque Morning Journal, Saturday, Dec. 6, 1913, p. 8, col. 2. "Supt.
Reuben Perry of the United States Indian School, yesterday was advised from
Washington of the approval of the plans for improvements at the school to cost
$20,000. The improvements will include a domestic science building, a shop building,
and a double cottage for employees. Edward Lembke, contractor, will do the
building, the Whitney Company will install the heating and plumbing, and the
material will be purchased of the Albuquerque Lumber Company, the City Sash and
Door Company, the Mclntosh Hardware Company, and the Ilfeld Company. Boys
of the Indian school will do the masonry and carpenter work." Cf., Narrative
Report, p. 6, (1914). The title Annual Report was changed to Narrative Reports
after 1914.

43. Cf. Note 21 supra.

44. Office of Indian Affairs. Tentative Course of Study for Indians, p. 5, (1915).
"The economic needs of all people — of the Indians especially — demand that

schools provide for instruction along eminently practical lines. To this end industrial
schools have been established in which the culture value of education is not neglected,
but rather subordinated to the practical needs of the child's environment."

45. Albuquerque Morning Journal, Sunday, Dec. 5, 1915, p. 8, col. 1.

46. Ibid., Monday, November 22, 1915, p. 5, col. 1. "The exhibit by the United
States Industrial school of Albuquerque, is a blue ribbon winner. The prizes awarded
it at the state fair are pinned to various objects, serving to draw detailed attention
to them. A display of tools made from steel, is a marvel. A hat crocheted by a
sixteen year old Pueblo girl is bound to win the admiration even of a trained milliner.
The knitting, tatting, embroidery, patchwork, darning, penmanship, drawing, and
other exhibits are proof of proficiency of teacher as well as receptiveness of pupil.
Quite attractive are botanical essays illustrated with specimens of wood, leaf, and
flower, as well as blue print photograph of the trees described. Several illumined
mottoes suitably framed are works of art and also please because of the good cheer,
hope, joy, and optimism expressed in the verses. Altogether the exhibit is one that
it would do good to send to every city of the United States to prove that even the
Indian is becoming a useful and self-supporting citizen."

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 217

Two unfortunate events happened in the school during
the fiscal year, 1915-1916 : first the transfer of Mr. Blair to
the principalship at the Carlisle Indian School, under Super-
intendent 0. H. Lipps, which increased the duties of Mr.
Perry; and, second, an epidemic of la grippe affected, at
one time, 180 pupils. To increase the difficulty Doctor C.
Leroy Brock, in charge of the health department the greater
part of the year, was transferred before the close of the
term and promoted.47

By the end of the fiscal year, 1915-1916, the school
plant had become a well-kept village, consisting of sixteen
brick buildings, twenty frame, and one adobe, a large brick
hog-house, six pens with a large room for slaughtering, an
assembly hall with a seating capacity of 700 (costing
$25,258.40, but worth $35,000) , and two water tanks erected
on steel towers costing $2,225.48 In addition considerable
new equipment was purchased for the hospital.49 Mr. Perry's
recommendations at this time provided that the laundry
building should be torn down, moved to a more desirable
location and rebuilt on a larger scale; that the mess hall
should be enlarged to care for 450 pupils; and that an en-
tirely new library building should be built.50

The new industrialized program provided for a pri-
mary, a kindergarten, a pre-vocational, and a vocational
course with special emphasis on agriculture. The change
from the old to the new was done with little friction; the
employee force was efficient, loyal, and co-operated for bene-
fit of the school.51 There were ten graduates from the
tenth grade.52

Supervisor H. B. Peairs delivered the graduation ad-

47. Narrative Report, p. 1, (1916).

48. Ibid., p. 7.

49. Ibid., p. 1. An electric sterilizing outfit, a nurses' desk with filing cabinet,
temperature and clinical history sheet, nebulizer, and compressed air outfit for
treatment of nose and throat trouble, and one operating table with facilities for
storing dressings and solutions.

50. Ibid., p. 7. The school accommodations were for 400 pupils, but more were
crowded in than were best for the children. This accounts for Mr. Perry's insistence,
on adding more rooms and sleeping porches to the dormitories.

51. Narrative Report, p. 9, (1915).

52. The names are given in an appendix of the typed thesis at the University,
of New Mexico Library.

218 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

dress in 1916, and other distinguished guests who visited
the school during the year were: Special Agent Brown,
Supervisor Newborne, Assistant Supervisor Coon, and
Inspector Trailer.53

According to the local paper54 the year
just closing has been one of the most success-
ful, in the history of the local Indian school.
Mr. Perry the superintendent, has brought
the school to a high state of efficiency. His
work at the local school has been generally
recognized by the Indian Department officials
as being extremely satisfactory.

CHAPTER V

DURING AND FOLLOWING THE WORLD WAR
(1917-1922)

The year 1917 was a successful one, but a trying one.
The loss of Mr. Blair as principal was keenly felt, and war
activities overshadowed all other activities. George F. Dutt,1
a school man of only average ability, had succeeded Mr.
Blair and it was necessary for Superintendent Perry to
exercise personal supervision in both the academic and
the industrial departments.

Many vacancies also occurred and the following posi-
tions were unfilled: teachers of agriculture, farmer, dis-
ciplinarian, and domestic science.

Mr. Perry was very much concerned by a proposal to
increase the enrollment up to 600.2 Special Agent Calvin
H. Asbury wrote that the school was the logical place for
an increased capacity, and that the only additional expense
would be the building of a dormitory and the employment
of a matron.3 During the year a building was erected

53. Narrative Report, p. 10, (1916).

54. Albuquerque Morning Journal, Thursday, June 1, 1916, p. 8, col. 4.

1. Narrative Report, p. 4, (1917).

2. Personal interview with Mr. Reuben Perry, March 31, 1934. The enroll-
ment was increased to 500 by the close of the fiscal year.

3. Narrative Report, p. 7, (1917).

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 219

large enough to house the laundry and the sewing depart-
ment.

There were no serious infractions of discipline during
the year, but sixty boys deserted.4

The Sisters of St. Joseph's hospital were willing to take
Indian girls sufficiently advanced to take training in nurs-
ing.5

Commissioner Sells, Supervisor Peairs, Inspector Tray-
lor, and Special Agent Asbury visited the school during
the year. "The school has been greatly benefitted by sug-
gestions made by these officials, by their becoming ac-
quainted with the work the institution is endeavoring to do,
and by the aid received as a result of such visits."6

Mr Dutt resigned in 1920 to enter child welfare work,
and Mr. J. C. Ross7 assumed charge temporarily. After a
few months he was relieved by D. C. West who remained
in charge of the school until 1921 when he was transferred
to Haskell Institute, Lawrence, Kansas. Fred M. Lobdell
next served until 1922 when he, too was transferred to
Haskell Institute. Throughout his principalship Mr. Lob-
dell spent part of his time amusing his friends playing a
mouth organ instead of introducing progressive methods
of teaching.8 Mrs. Isis L. Harrington was promoted to
the position left vacant by Mr. Lobdell, and filled the posi-
tion with credit to the school.

The period, 1916-1922, was one of mediocrity so far
as the principals of the Albuquerque Indian School were
concerned, but was one of fruitfulness beginning in 1917
with the arrival of Mrs. Harrington, a teacher from the
Sac and Fox Indian School at Stroud, Oklahoma, and con-
tinuing until her withdrawal from the school in 1933.9
From 1917-1922 she developed a technique for teaching
Indians of the Southwest so successful in practice that it

4. Narrative Report, p. 7, (1917).

5. Ibid., p. 7.

6. Ibid., p. 8.

7. Mr. J. C. Ross did excellent work. Mr. Perry recommended that he be
appointed permanently to this position.

8. Personal interview with Mrs. Isis L. Harrington, April 30, 1934.

9. Personal interview with Mr. Reuben Perry, March 31, 1934.

220 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

gained for her the appointment as principal of the school
in 1922. Many worthwhile activities begun under her
supervision spread from the school to the pueblos, to the
hogans, and to the tepees of the Indians of the Southwest.
It was partly her efforts that aided the Albuquerque school
to rise to a place of first magnitude among the Indian schools
of the Southwest.10 Fortunate, indeed, was the school to be
so ably led by Mr. Perry, upright, energetic, and experi-
enced, assisted by so versatile and sincere a principal as
Mrs. Harrington proved to be.11

School work was disrupted generally during the fiscal
year, 1917-1918, because of war activities and the enlist-
ment of sixty-four Indian boys12 in the United States army
and navy. This was remarkable cooperation with the war
work committee considering the fact that the entire enroll-
ment of the school had reached only 470 of both sexes
(188 girls; 282 boys). It is possible that such a large
enlistment coming from the school was due largely to the
efforts of Superintendent Reuben Perry,13 for he required
them from the time they were enrolled in the school until

10. Edwin Grant Dexter, A History of Education of the United States, p. 463.
This book lists the Indian School as such.

11. The following data came from a personal interview with Mrs. Isis L. Har-
rington, May 1, 1934. Mrs. Harrington holds a B.S. degree, a B.A. degree from
the University of Southern California, and is working on her Master's requirement
in the last named institution.

She taught many years in Nebraska, Kansas, and Missouri. From 1915-1917
she taught in the Indian school of the Sac and Fox at Stroud, Oklahoma, and from
1917-1933 in the Indian School at Albuquerque, and was an instructor at the Las Vegas
Normal School during the summer session of 1933.

She is author of many political articles (one of much interest to the school is
"Lo, the Poor Taxpayer") ; educational books (such as Eagle's Nest and Komoki of
the Cliffs); short stories, reviews, and stories for anthology (as Juan, the Yaqui).
Her Indian stories are authentic.

12. For complete list of names of the Indian School veterans see appendix of the
typed thesis, University of New Mexico Library.

13. Card of appreciation from John R. Mott, director general of the general
committee to Reuben Perry, found in the office files of the Albuquerque Indian
School, Albuquerque, New Mexico (undated) : "The General Committee of the
United War Work Campaign wishes to convey to Mr. Reuben Perry an expression
of appreciation and gratitude for devoted and effective cooperation in helping to
ensure the success of this great patriotic undertaking. In these momentous days,
signalized by the victorious ending of the great world struggle and the ushering in
of a new era, those who made possible this greatest voluntary offering in the his-
tory of mankind have rendered inestimable service to the men of the military and
naval forces of the United States and her allies, to the homes from which they came
and to the nations which sent them forth."

HISTORY OP THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 221

they graduated, to be taught the principles of good citizen-
ship (including military drill, proper flag etiquette, and
obedience to superiors as a part of their regular work) .

Of all the letters from the enlisted boys to Superin-
tendent Perry not one spoke of being dissatisfied because
he had joined the war forces; instead in almost every case
the writer expressed the desire that he might do more for
his country. The Indian School was saddened by the death
of Paul Yazza (killed in action), but felt a great need for
doing their "bit" to help in the great struggle.14 As a
result renewed activity caused the Indian School to become
the center of war work, various groups competed with
each other in furnishing the most aid to those enlisted.

The four literary societies of the Indian School spon-
sored a money-raising campaign which netted $725. Of
this sum the Webster literary society raised the greater por-
tion.15 Not only did the pupils remaining in school cooperate
in furthering the war work, but reports concerning the
Indian boys who had enlisted indicated that they were mak-
ing splendid soldiers.16 So many of the band boys had
enrolled that the organization was unable to function as
such. Those enlisting made either the army or the navy
band ; a fact of which the school might be justly proud.17

14. Pow-Wow, p. 3, 1929. (Yearbook of the Indian School). "To the sixty-four
A. I. S. boys who participated in the World War and in loving memory of our
schoolmate, Paul Yazza who rests in France, the Class of 1929 dedicates The Pow-
Wow of 1929."

15. See letter of Reuben Perry to Private Tootsana Teller, December 17, 1918.

16. Narrative Report, p. 4, (1918). Also, Letter of Harry Spencer to Reuben
Perry, June 23, 1918.

"Marfa, Texas.
8th Cavalry

"We are getting along very find, we have drill every day, in the morning's we
have drill on horseback and in the afternoon we drill on foot, we don't have hard
time our drilling nor on horses (the plains Indian boys love horses and are splendid
horsemen), because we knew how to drill, so there is no trouble for us (the Indian
boys in the local school were given a rudimentary course in the military handbook),
besides we knew how to ride on horses but the rest of the white boys are having
a hard time on drilling and on horses, so we had to show them how to do the
thing right.

"We four boys are always right on the spot and we are doing our best and do
what we are told to do, we don't care how hard it is.

" We like the army life very much.

"Harry Spencer."

17. Cf. list of those in service.

222 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Trades taught the pupils at the school were of value
to the boys in placing them in the army service. Possibly
this was one of the factors that made them like army life.18

A service flag was made and kept during the World
War by the Minnehaha literary society.19 It contained one
gold star (that for Paul David Yazza) and sixty-three
white ones.20 There is no complete record in the Indian
school files of the boys who saw actual service in France.21

Of the Indian boys enlisted in the World war not one
deserted or wilfully disobeyed the command of his superior
officer. When these boys received their honorable dis-
charges they found useful and gainful work as soon as
possible in the railroad shops, some on the reservations,
while others were given positions in the Indian Service.

18. Letter of Tootsana Teller to Reuben Perry, June 20, 1918.

"Fort Bliss, Texas

"I am a horse shoer here and I like it very much. I am proud and thankful
for all the education the government gave to me while I was in school. P am glad
I have a better education than most of the white boys that are around here (the
army Alpha test proves this.) I have had already showed them I had learned
something of different trades. Many of them think I had some college education
(possibly result of industrial training), but I told them I wish I had it. I went
into the troops and started drilling. I knew the manual of arms and some other
things. I had an argument many a time about that. Some say that I had gone
to military school, and the rest say I was in the service before. This shows that
if a person gets down to business he or she can prove to the rest he can do some-
thing when he tries to.

"I was a member of the track team and pitched for the 5th Cavalry regimental
baseball team and now I am in football team, in the first team. Now, I surely
would like to go to school some, but as some of them say my country needs me, but if
I ever get a chance to go to school I will tackle it harder.

"Yours truly,

Tootsana Teller."

19. Pow-Wow, p. 102 (1932). This flag was burned in the fire that destroyed
the auditorium, February, 1922.

20. Ibid. Under the Coolidge administration a certificate of appreciation was
given the school by the president of the United States containing the names of the
Indian boys whose stars were on the service flag. This certificate of appreciation
was framed and hung on the walls of the auditorium.

21. Letter of Private Chee Dah Spencer to Reuben Perry, June 24, 1918.

"Camp Doniphan

Battery E. 11 F. A.

For Sill, Oklahoma

" Well, Mr. Perry we are going to leave for France tomorrow morhing

at 4:30 and so I will say goodbye and say to the children at school I am always
ready to stand right beside my country — that is the reason why I enlisted in the
army — this is all I can say. I will close with best regards to you, all the teachers,
and the school.

Private Chee Dah Spencer."

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 223

Edward U. Tysittee, a Zuni ex-service man was given the
position of farmer in his Alma Mater, and a very successful
farmer he became.

These boys returned with vision, courage, and the will
to foster cordial relations among their tribes of the South-
west because they had had enough of the tremendous cost
in lives, suffering and hatred in the army.

They did what representatives of the United States
government told them to do ; and they came back, not dis-
gruntled, but searched until they found work.22

Though 1918 was a difficult year, Mr. Perry managed
to have completed an addition to the dining hall, a ware-
house, and a large cowshed. At this time, 1918-1919, he
was making plans for a new dormitory for girls and one
for the boys to provide room for 600 pupils.23

During the World War period Mr. Perry took upon
himself two big fights (1) to get an appropriation suffici-
ently large to install a new sewerage system and (2) to
increase the per capita apportionment. Concerning the
sewer, Mr. Perry wrote Congressman B. C. Hernandez
and to the commissioner of Indian affairs that the sewerage
system at this time had been constructed in 1900 and was
nearly two miles in length. In addition it was connected
to the city sewer on Fourth Street, and was near the sur-
face. This did not give sufficient fall and made it necessary
for the manholes and service to be at or near the sur-
face. This arrangement was not satisfactory. Mr. Perry
was unable to secure an appropriation for a new system,
but he was not discouraged and continued to ask for its
construction until authority was granted.

And the second fight,24 for an increased appropriation,
was necessary because of the increased cost which threat-
ened the whole school during and immediately following

22. Personal interview with Mr. Perry, June 1, 1934. Also, personal interview
with Edward U. Tysitee, May 28, 1934.

23. Narrative Report, p. 7, (1919). Mr. Perry urged his new building program
to the following distinguished visitors: Hon. E. B. Merritt, assistant commissioner,
Mr1. O. H. Lipps, supervisor of education, Mr. E. B. Linnen, chief inspector, Mr.
H. T. Brown, special agent, Mr. W. G. West, supervisor, Mr. H. G. Wilson, super-
visor, and Mrs. Elsie C. Newton, supervisor.

24. Ibid., p. 12.

224 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

the World War. The cost of living had increased seventy-
nine per cent, and without an increase in the per capita
cost from $167 to at least $225 the school would have to
omit the richer, fuller courses in the industrial department.
Mr. Perry asked and received the support of Senators A.
B. Fall and A. A. Jones, B. C. Hernandez, congressman at
large, the Rotary Club,25 and H. B. Peairs, superintendent
of Haskell Institute,26 Mr. Perry was unable to persuade
congress to increase the appropriation to $250, but did get
the per capita cost increased to $200 during the fiscal year.
With two exceptions the employee force during the
fiscal, 1919-1920, was willing, efficient, and loyal.27

In this connection Mr. Perry wrote to the Indian
Office:

New employees entering the service, as a
rule, are not as good as those who have been
in the service for some time. The best people
are not attracted by the meagre salaries
offered while the best employees in the service
are constantly resigning to accept better posi-
tions outside. We rarely lose an inefficient
employee, but the better class are constantly
leaving the service. The effect is the lowering
of the personnel.28

He recommended that a bandmaster, an assistant dis-
ciplinarian, and a competent domestic science teacher
should be appointed for the following year.29

Mr. Perry also wrote the Indian office that the plant
should be enlarged to care for 800 or 1000 pupils since the
Indian population was so large and so many children were
without school facilities. This school was the nearest
non-reservation school to the great Navaho, the Zufii, Hopi,
and some other Pueblo tribes.30 This increase would
necessitate the building of two dormitories, remodeling

25. Letter of the Rotary Club to Hon. Bw C. Hernandez, July 22, 1919.

26. Letter of H. B. Peairs to Reuben Perry, Dec. 6, 1919.

27. Narrative Report, p. 5, (1920). A domestic science teacher and a tempo-
rary disciplinarian.

28. Ibid., p. 6.

29. Ibid., p. 5.

30. Ibid., p. 3.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 225

and enlarging the school building, and installing a new sew-
erage system and a central heating plant.31

Pupils were less restless since the close of the World
War, and consequently showed more interest in their school
work.32 The standing in morality was high.33 There were
no incorrigibles nor any criminally inclined.34 Seven of the
pupils graduated from the tenth grade,35 and most of the
pupils were trained sufficiently to make their way in the
world without becoming a burden upon the government.

In January, 1921, sixty-five pupils contracted measles.86
Otherwise school progress moved forward about as usual.
Those graduating planned to assume leadership by their
industry, for vocational instruction and guidance had given
them ambition, poise, and efficiency ; and had kept them in
school at a time when they were most susceptible to the
vices of the reservation.

The sentiment was growing in favor of more advanced
education. A majority of the seniors were entering either
Haskell Institute or the local high school to finish the
eleventh and twelfth grades.

It was noticeable to those visiting the pueblos and
reservations that returned students were enlarging or
building new homes. They were helpful rather than lazy
or discontented as pictured by some writers.37

The health of the children for the fiscal year, 1921-
1922, was rather alarming.38 An influenza epidemic during
February and March was responsible for the illness of 392
pupils. There were ten cases of pneumonia ; ten of tuber-
culosis (eight pulmonary and two glandular), and six

81. Ibid.,

32. Ibid., p. 9.

33. Ibid., p. 7. Also, personal interview with Mrs. Isis Harrington, May 17, 1934.
"In hundreds of original stories I have never had a pupil to indicate that a

child told a parent an untruth, though it might save him some inconvenience."

34. Narrative Report, p. 8, (1920).

35. For names, see Appendix of typed thesis.

36. Narrative Report, p. 2, (1929).

37. Personal interviews with Miss Isadora Lucero, graduate of the Albuquerque
Indian School, March 31, 1934 ; also, Mrs. Lucy Clark, graduate of the Indian School,
May 16, 1934; and Mrs. Alice Shields (a teacher who spent many years at Oraibi)
May 15, 1934.

88. Narrative Report, p. 8, (1922).

226 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

trachoma operations. The individual towel system was
in use in the dormitories and the hospital. All the build-
ings were fumigated (both during and after the epidemic) ,
and the pupils weighed monthly.39

One of the newest and best buildings, the auditorium
and gymnasium, was destroyed by fire February 12, 1922.
This was a great loss, and occasioned many annoyances
and inconveniences. Mr. Perry was discouraged over this
loss, but set to work with renewed energy to secure an
appropriation for a new structure. He was greatly encour-
aged to know that, due to recommendations of the Indian
office and the efforts of other friends, congress had appro-
priated $42,500 to rebuild the structure.40 By the close of
the fiscal year plans had been made and an invitation for
bids on material had been posted. All was ready for the
erection of a new building.

Hence, the World War period, 1917-1922, brought
many disappointments, feverish activities, and some com-
pensations, including an increased building program, an
increased enrollment, and an end to the unrest among the
students.

(To be concluded)

89. Ibid., p. 3.
40. Ibid., p. 8.

THE WEAPONS OF AMERICAN INDIANS
By D. E. WORCESTER*

The weapons used by the American Indians were much
the same among all the tribes and regions. Most common
were the bow and arrow, the war club, and the spear. These
arms differed in type and quality among various tribes,
partly because of the materials used, and partly because
of the lack of uniformity in native workmanship. Bows
were made of various woods as well as strips of ram and
buffalo horn, and ranged in length from about five to three
feet. Arrows also were varied, some being of reed, and
others of highly polished wood. Points were of bone, flint,
or fire-hardened wood.

The coming of Europeans to North America eventually
caused a modification of native arms. In some regions
European weapons were adopted and used almost exclu-
sively. Elsewhere they were used to a varying degree,
depending on their availability and effectiveness under local
conditions. European innovations popular among the In-
dians were firearms, iron hatchets, knives, and iron or steel
arrow points. And in the Southwest where the country
was open and horses plentiful, the lance became a deadly
weapon in the hands of a mounted warrior.

Although this paper is not meant to be comprehensive,
a few words on the observations of Columbus are included.
The natives of the Caribbean seen first by Columbus had
no weapons other than a crude dart or spear tipped with
a fish's tooth. The Tainos of Espanola described the war-
like Caribs and their bows and arrows to Columbus. On
one part of the island, the Arawaks were found to be armed
with bows and arrows, the first of these weapons seen by
the Spaniards in the Indies.

The Caribs generally were well-supplied with bows,

* The opinions contained herein are those of the writer, and are not to be con-
strued as official or reflecting the views of the Navy Department or of the naval
service at large.

D. E. Worcester,
Lieut. SC USNR

227

228 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

arrows, clubs, and spears. They used the shinbones of their
Arawak victims for making arrows, and poisoned them with
hydrocyanic acid taken from the cassava plant.

The earliest descriptions of American Indian arms
are to be found in the journals of the Spanish explorers.
The soldiers of the Narvaez expedition to Florida found
that Spanish armor was unavailing against Indian arrows.
Some men declared that they saw red oaks the thickness of
a man's leg pierced through by arrows. The bows used by
the Indians of Florida were said to be as thick as a man's
arm, and of eleven or twelve palms in length. The Indians
reputedly were so accurate that they rarely missed at two
hundred paces. Cabeza de Vaca observed that when two
tribes were at war and exhausted their supply of arrows
in battle, it was customary for both parties to return to
their villages, even though one side might be much stronger
than the other. He told of Indians of the coastal region of
Texas who bought wives from their enemies at the price
of a bow or some arrows for a woman.

De Soto found the Southern Indians ready for war at
any time, and extremely skilful in combat.

Before a Christian can make a single shot
with either [crossbow or arquebus], an In-
dian will discharge three or four arrows ; and
he seldom misses . . . Where the arrow
meets with no armor, it pierces as deeply as
the shaft from a crossbow. Their bows are
very perfect; the arrows are made of certain
canes, like reeds, very heavy, and so stiff that
one of them, when sharpened, will pass
through a target. Some are pointed with the
bone of a fish, sharp and like a chisel ; others
with some stone like a point of diamond; of
such the greater number, when they strike
upon armor, break at the place the parts are
put together; those of cane split, and will
enter a shirt of mail, doing more injury than
when armed.1

When the Coronado expedition penetrated the South-

1. Spanish explorers in the southern United States, 1528-1548 ... ed. by T.
H. Lewis and F. W. Hodge. (New York, 1907). 148-149.

THE WEAPONS OF AMERICAN INDIANS 229

west and Plains, a soldier was killed in the Sonora valley
by a poisoned arrow which made only a slight scratch on
his hand. Probably it was an Opata arrow, as that tribe
was known to use poison in later days. The Pueblo In-
dians seen by Coronado had the usual weapons: bows, ar-
rows, and war clubs. During the journey on to the Plains
in search of the Gran Quivira, Coronado's soldiers saw a
Teya Indian (Hasinai) shoot an arrow clear through both
shoulders of a buffalo bull. From the Teyas the Spaniards
learned a novel way to keep on the right course when cross-
ing the trackless plains. At sunrise, the Indians selected
the route they intended to travel to the next waterhole,
and then shot an arrow in that direction. Before reaching
this arrow, they shot another over it, and in this way con-
tinued all day long without getting off their course because
of the absence of landmarks.

Espejo described the weapons of the Pueblo Indians
in 1583 :

Their arms consist of bows and arrow,
macanas and chimales; the arrows have fire-
hardened shafts, the heads being of pointed
flint, with which they easily pass through a
coat of mail. The chimales are made of cow-
hide, like leather shields; and the macanas
consist of rods half a vara long, with very
thick heads. With them they defend them-
selves within their houses.2

In 1598, Onate visited the buffalo-hunting tribes on
the edge of the Plains, and described their weapons as very
large bows after the manner of the Turks. Their arrows
were tipped with flint, and they used some spears. These
Indians killed buffalo with one shot while hiding in brush
blinds at the watering places.3

A description of the weapons of the Indians of Vir-
ginia about this same period, was left by William Strachey.

Their weapons for offence are bowes and
arrowes and wodden swords; for defence,

2. H. E. Bolton, ed. Spanish exploration in the Southwest, 1512-1706. (New
York, 1916), 178-179.

3. Ibid., 230.

230 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

targetts. The bowes are of some young plant,
eyther of the locust-tree or of weech (witch
hazel), which they bring to the form of ours
by the scraping of a shell, and give them
strings of a stagg's gutt, or thong of a deare's
hide twisted. Their arrowes are made some
of streight young spriggs, which they head
with bone, two or three inches long, and these
they use to shoote at squirrells and all kind
of fowle. Another sort of arrowes they use
made of reedes: these are pieced with wood,
headed with splinters of cristall or some sharp
stone, with the spurs of a turkey cock, or the
bill of some bird feathered with a turkey
feather ... To make the notch of his ar-
rowe, he hath the tooth of a beaver sett in a
stick, wherewith he grateth yt by degrees, his
arrowe hedd he quickly maketh with a little
bone ... of any splint of a stone ... of an
oyster shell . . . and these they glue to the
end of their arrowes with the synewes of
deare and the topps of deare's home boyled
into a jelly, of which they make a glue that
will not dissolve in cold water. Forty yards
they will shoot levell, or very neare the marke,
and one hundred and twenty is their best at
random.

Their swordes be made of a kind of heavy
wood which they have . . . but oftentymes
they use for swordes the home of a deare put
through a piece of wood in forme of a pick-
axe. Some use a long stone sharpened at both
ends, thrust through a handle of wood in the
same manner . . . but now, by trucking with
us, they have thousands of our iron harchetts,
such as they be.4

As soon as the Indians learned to use iron for arrow
points and other purposes, they preferred it, and employed
it whenever it was obtainable. The bows of the Creek
Indians were described as a kind of Yew, almost as strong
as English bows. Their arrows were long and of reeds.
Arrow points were of bone, flint, or pieces of knife blade.

4. W. Strachey. The historic of travaile into Virginia Britannia . . . (Lon-
don, 1849, for the Hakluyt Society), vi, 105-106.

THE WEAPONS OF AMERICAN INDIANS 231

When none of these were available, they used a piece of
notched hardwood which pierced as deeply as any of the
others. In warfare in the woods, the Indian warrior stood
behind a tree, and, with his arms around it, discharged
arrows with great accuracy.

When fur traders began going among the tribes, the
Indians soon added to their stock of weapons, as warfare
generally was the most important element of tribal life.
The hatchet, or tomahawk, replaced the war club of the
Southern tribes. Tomahawks were deadly weapons; they
could be thrown with great effectiveness, and were ex-
tremely destructive in hand to hand fighting. Scalping
knives were much prized trade items, as were iron arrow
points.

In the forest areas of the South, the natives found
that European weapons, especially the gun and tomahawk,
were eminently more practical for warfare than their own
bows, arrows, and clubs. In 1728, William Byrd of Vir-
ginia wrote that in hunting as well as in warfare, the
Indians used nothing but firearms purchased from the Eng-
lish. The bow and arrow was out of use. Byrd' maintained
that this was a condition favorable to the English, as he
believed that the Indians had been able to do more dam-
age with bows and arrows.5 Other accounts verify the
fact that the Indians of the Virginia region very soon for-
sook their bows for guns.6

In the 1770s, Adair found the Cherokees adept in the
use of guns and bows. He declared that they could make
most necessary repairs to their guns, and that they made
the finest bows and the smoothest barbed arrows he had
seen.7 When war parties were in enemy territory, they
always hunted with bow and arrow, to escape detection.

In the Southwest, the Indian trade of the Spanish
soon had an effect on the weapons used by the natives. The

5. W. Byrd. The writings of Colonel William Byrd ... ed. by J. S. Bassett.
(New York, 1901), 97-98.

6. S. Kercheval. A history of the valley of Virginia. (4 ed. Strasburg, Va.,
1925), 276.

7. J. Adair. The history of the American Indians . . . (London, 1775), ed. by
S. C. Williams, (Johnson City, Tenn., 1930), 456-457.

232 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

situation there differed from that of the Southeast, in that
the country was open, and there soon were many horses.
Further, the Spaniards, unlike the French and English,
prohibited the sale of firearms to the natives, though they
did supply them with knives and axes. However, the tribes
near French Louisiana soon acquired firearms. By 1722,
the Hasinai had so many guns that they no longer used
bows, arrows, and shields except in mounted warfare.
Mounted warriors usually carried a bow, a quiver of ar-
rows, a lance, and a small round buffalo-hide shield.

Most of the mounted tribes protected their horses in
battle by use of leather armor, after the Spanish fashion.
The Apaches, Comanches, Pawnees, and others were very
skilful with the bow and arrow, and also used a lance
which was like the end of a sword inserted into a wooden
handle.8 They carried leather shields, and wore leather
jackets and caps.9 Their arrows were pointed with iron
whenever it was obtainable.

In 1759, when Parilla's force was routed by the Taoa-
vayas and their allies in a pitched battle, the Indians were
found to be well armed with French guns, pistols, sabres,
and lances, all of which they employed more skilfully than
the Spanish soldiers. They were entrenched in their vil-
lage, and apparently had ceased using the bow and arrow
in warfare.10

The Lipan Apaches used in addition to the usual
weapons, French guns obtained from the Bidais. The other
Apache tribes were more remote from Indians that traded
with the French, and were without firearms.11 From 1750
on, the Comanches were supplied with firearms, but as
they fought mainly on horseback, they continued to use
bows and arrows, and were very formidable with the lance.

8. P. Margry, ed. Dfrouvertes et etablissements des Franyais ... (6v. Paris,
1876-1886), vi, 312.

9. J. A. Morfi. History of Texas, 167S-1779. (2v. Quivira Society, Albuquer-
que, 1935), i, 89-90.

10. Ibid., ii, 391-392.

11. H. E. Bolton, ed. Athanase de Mgzieres and the Louisiana-Texas frontier,
1768-1780. (2v. Cleveland, 1914), ii, 153.

THE WEAPONS OF AMERICAN INDIANS 233

The explorer Pike described the weapons of the west-
ern Apaches :

Their arms are the bow and arrow, and
the lance. Their bow forms two demi-circles,
with a shoulder in the middle ; the back of it is
entirely covered with sinews, which are laid
on in so nice a manner, by the use of some
glutinous substance, as to be almost imper-
ceptible; this gives great elasticity to the
weapon.12

The Apache arrows were about three and one-half
feet long, the upper part consisting of a light rush or
cane, into which was inserted a shaft of hardwood about
one foot in length. The point was of iron, bone, or flint.
When one of these arrows entered a man's body, and an
attempt was made to remove it, the shaft would come loose
and leave the point in the wound. The Apaches shot their
arrows with such force that one would go through a man's
body at 100 yards. Their other offensive weapon was a
lance about fifteen feet long, which they held in both hands
above their heads when charging, meanwhile guiding their
horses by their knees. With this weapon an Apache was
considered more than a match for any Spanish dragoon
in single combat, but because of a lack of knowledge of
tactics they never could stand the charge of a body in con-
cert. All carried shields, and a few had firearms.13 Only
the lancers were mounted. Although spears were used
by the Indians before the coming of the Spaniards, the
use of the lance in the Southwest apparently was adopted
from the Spanish at the same time that the Indians ac-
quired horses and learned horsemanship.

Warfare on the Plains before the coming of white men
generally was not very destructive. A Piegan chief told
of battles his tribe had with the Snake Indians early in
the eighteenth century. When the two war parties met,
both made a great show of their weapons and numbers,
as was the customary procedure. Their arms were bows,

12. Z. M. Pike. The expeditions of Zebulon Montgomery Pike . . . (new ed.
8v., New York, 1895), ii, 749.

13. Ibid., ii, 749.

234 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

arrows, spears, and stone-headed clubs. After some sing-
ing and dancing, the two parties sat down on the ground
at a respectable distance from each other, and placed their
shields before them. These shields were very large, and
provided ample protection for a man. The Snakes were
well guarded by their shields, but in some cases the Piegans
had to use one shield for two men. The bows of the Snakes
were smaller than those of the Piegans, but of better wood,
and reinforced on the backs with sinews, which gave them
great strength. The Piegans had iron headed arrows which
did not pierce completely the Snake shields. After a lengthy
discharging of arrows, both sides retired, without either
leaving any casualties on the field.

A few years later, another combat took place in which
the same chief participated. This time the Piegans had
more iron headed arrows, and a few guns. The Snakes
had no guns, and apparently did not know of their use.
They outnumbered the Piegans, and had many short stone-
headed clubs for close combat. The Piegans feared an
onrushing attack, as it would have been disastrous for them.
After the usual singing and dancing, the two lines formed.
Most of the Piegans waited for night to fall so that they
could escape, but at the war chief's order they closed the
lines to about sixty yards so the guns could be tried. So
effectively did the Piegans use their firearms, that in a few
hours the Snakes began to steal away from behind their
shields, and a general rout ensued in which fifty scalps
were lifted.14 Soon after this battle the Snakes began to
fight on horseback in the Northwest.

A trader among the Northwest Indians in the 1780s
said that the Mandans and Gros Ventres had guns, pistols,
and swords, and plenty of ammunition. These Indians had
not given up the use of the bow and arrow, however, but
still used them exclusively for hunting, and kept the guns
for warfare.15

14. J. B. Tyrrell, ed. David Thompson's narrative of his explorations in western
America. (Toronto, 1916), 329-331.

15. A. P. Nasatir, ed. "Spanish explorations of the Upper Missouri," in Missis-
sippi Valley historical review, xiv, 65.

THE WEAPONS OF AMERICAN INDIANS 235

In 1797, David Thompson described the Mandans'
weapons :

The native Arms were much the same as
those that do not know the use of Iron, Spears
and Arrows headed with flint; which they
gladly lay aside for iron ; they appear to have
adopted the Spear [lance?] as a favorite
weapon. It is a handle of about eight feet
in length, headed with a flat iron bayonet of
nine to ten inches in length, sharp pointed,
from the point regularly enlarging to four
inches in width, both sides sharp edged; the
broad end has a handle of iron of about four
inches in length, which is inserted in the
handle, and bound with small cords; it is a
formidable weapon in the hands of a resolute
man.16

The Mandans had few guns at this time, as their only
source was the small trading parties which reached their
villages. They had shields of bull hide which would turn
an arrow or a spear, but not a bullet.17

The Snake Indians were late in acquiring firearms, and
they consequently suffered in their wars with more fortu-
nate tribes. They made excellent short bows of buffalo
horn strips, and they used war clubs and lances. The
Snakes west of the Rocky mountains had no knives or
hatchets, and few guns.18 The possession of firearms by
the tribes in contact with fur traders gave them a great
advantage over their enemies. A widespread dislocation
among the Northwestern tribes took place in the eighteenth
century. The Chipewayans, supplied guns by the French,
forced the Blackfeet and Sioux out of the forest regions
onto the Plains. The Blackfeet, and Sioux, armed later by
the English traders, crowded the Snakes, Salishans, and
Kootenais out of their hunting grounds.19

16. Thompson, op. cit., 228.

17. Ibid., 228.

18. M. M. Quaife, ed. The journals of Captain Meriwether Lewis and Sergeant
John Ordway . . . (Madison, 1916), 268.

19. H. A. Innis. Peter Pond, fur trader and adventurer . . . (Toronto, 1930),
120. The acquisition of horses by the Blackfeet and Sioux was also an influence on
their movement.

236 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

In 1774, Sioux horsemen were seen wearing a garment
described as being like an outside vest with short sleeves,
made of several thicknesses of soft skins. These garments
were similar to those worn in battle by the Southwestern
Indians, and would turn an arrow at a distance. The Sioux
warrior rode with a shield slung over his shoulder to guard
his back. The weapons used by the Sioux were bows, ar-
rows, spears, and a few firearms. A band of Teton Sioux
met by the Lewis and Clark expedition had also some cut-
lasses and steel or iron pointed arrows.20

A weapon which horsemen of the Plains used with
deadly effect in close combat was the pukamoggan, a war
club made of a round stone enclosed in leather, and slung
to a shank in the form of a whip. It was developed from
the war club formerly used, and adapted to mounted com-
bat. The tomahawk did not replace the pukamoggan of
the Plains warrior as it had the macana of his Southeastern
counterpart, as the tomahawk was less effective for mounted
warfare.

Some Plains tribes preferred the use of bows and
arrows for warfare, and made no effort to acquire guns.
Among these tribes were the Crees and Assiniboines. In
mounted combat, the short but powerful horn bow was
more useful than a gun, as the latter was difficult to reload.
While a man was reloading his gun, he could easily be killed
by a thrust of a lance, or by a flurry of arrows.

West of the Rocky mountains the Indians were to ob-
tain but few firearms until the nineteenth century. The
Flat Heads fought on horseback, and always carried two
bows and two quivers of arrows, with which they defended
themselves very expertly even in flight.21 Alexander Henry
described the bows used by the Indians west of the moun-
tains as of three kinds, all neatly made. The first was a
short bow made of a slip of ram's horn. The outside was
left undressed, but overlaid with several layers of sinew
glued to the thickness of one-third of an inch, and then

20. Ordway, op. tit., 142.

21. L. J. Burpee, ed. Journal of Larocque from the Assiniboine to the Yellow-
stone, 1805. (Ottawa, 1910), 72.

THE WEAPONS OF AMERICAN INDIANS 237

covered with rattlesnake skin. These fine bows were about
three feet long, and could throw an arrow an amazing dis-
tance. They were best suited for use on horseback. An-
other bow was of red cedar, about a foot longer than the
horn one. The third type was the plain wooden bow. Said
Henry :

These people make the handsomest bows
I have ever seen — always preferred by other
Indians. I have known a Piegan to give a gun
or a horse for one of those made of sinew.22

The Klatsup Indians of the Columbia river region wore
leather armor of well dressed moose hide, which was hung
loosely over their shoulders. It would deaden the force of
an arrow or spear, weapons with which that tribe was very
dextrous.23

Iron arrow heads were in great demand even among
the tribes that could obtain guns, as they were more effec-
tive than flint points against buffalo hide shields. Guns
were preferred for warfare, but iron headed arrows were
widely used, as the supply of firearms and ammunition was
limited.

The Indians of the Northwest used a spear six to eight
feet in length, with an iron or steel head. The spear is a
footman's weapon, but was used by mounted warriors. In
the Southwest, where Spanish influence was strong, the
horsemen used a lance of about fourteen feet in length.

There were but few tribes that used poisoned arrows.
Thompson told of Indians living near the Columbia river
who used rattlesnake venom to poison their arrow points.
To avoid risking the loss of warriors from snake bite, this
tribe employed aged widows in collecting the poison. The
poisoning of arrows was not generally popular among the
natives of North America.

The changes which European arms caused in the use
of native weapons are easy to trace. Less obvious are the
modifications which European arms and armor underwent

22. E. Coues, ed. New light on the early history of the greater Northwest. The
manuscript journals of Alexander Henry ... (3v. New York, 1897), ii, 713-714.

23. Thompson, op. cit., 507-508.

238 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

as the result of lengthy conflicts with tribes such as the
Apaches, Comanches, Iroquois, and Creeks. The Spanish
very soon gave up the use of metal armor in their New
World campaigns. Leather armor was found more suitable
in the Southwest; elsewhere the quilted cotton jackets of
the Mexican natives were adopted by the Spaniards as the
best protection against arrows. Spanish officials of St.
Augustine and Pensacola frequently petitioned the Kfng
for additional suits of "Mexican armor."

From the fact that warfare between colonies and In-
dians was sanguinary and destructive, it has been assumed
that inter-tribal warfare had always been equally devastat-
ing. Undoubtedly a warrior took equal delight in lifting
the scalp of an enemy tribesman as that of a paleface. But
inter-tribal warfare of pre-Columbian days generally was
more of a dangerous contest for the amusement of the men
than an attempt at annihilation. If more facts were avail-
able, it might become apparent that the systematic destruc-
tion of entire villages came about largely as the result of
colonists of one nation inciting Indians against the settle-
ments of another nation and those of their Indian allies.
The fact that the Europeans drove tribes from their hunt-
ing grounds was, of course, an important factor in inspir-
ing the Indians to make a desperate stand. Indian warfare
was cruel and pitiless; but it was not usual that any one
tribe was sufficiently overwhelming in strength to destroy
another tribe unaided. The sway which the Iroquois held
for a time over many tribes was made possible by their
control of the gun trade out of Albany. Even with this
distinct advantage, they were eventually overcome by tribes
which the French urged against them.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849
(Notes from the Diary of William H. Chamberlin)

(Continued)
Edited by LANSING B. BLOOM

CHAPTER XV

Monday, Aug. 6. — Found an abundance of beans for
our stock this morning, and concluded to remain for the
day. Indeed, ourselves as well as animals require a day
for resting and recruiting; but some of the mules took it
in their heads to stray, and kept us running all day in
search of them. A mule completely jaded and unfit for
service, will frequently wander miles from camp during a
night. Had bean soup for all hands to-day, which luxury
we cannot afford more than once in two weeks. Franklin
came up to-day with a company of emigrants; he had lain
on the mountain without water, expecting to die. We knew
this company would be along to-day, or we should have
gone back after him.

Tuesday, Aug. 7. — Started at 12% o'clock tnis morn-
ing, purposing to stop at daylight to feed and breakfast.
While we were packing, another pack company came up,
and took possession of our deserted camp. Did not find
a blade of grass, or bean, until 4 o'clock p. m., when we
came across a little grass, growing upon a sand bar in the
river. We stopped and unpacked twice during the day,
to rest the weary animals, and intended encamping several
times, without feed, but fortunately did not. Distance, 35
miles— 1835.

Wednesday, Aug. 8. — Remained in camp unul dark
this evening, when we packed up and started. Instead of
rest to-day, which we so much need, we were kept on the
look-out and in search of our animals all the while, which
seem determined to leave us at every opportunity, and seek
better fare or better masters. Thus far, however, we have
been fortunate, having lost but the one, carelessly left be-
hind, several hundred miles back. The channel of the river
has become very wide, more than a mile in many places,
but at present is at its lowest stage, although it increases
gradually as we near its mouth. The growth of cotton
wood and other timber, has continued about the same,

239

240 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

throughout its course. But nothing can exceed the barren,
godforsaken appearance of the country, on the north and
south side as far as the eye can reach ; one sterile hill rises
after another, and mountain after mountain, the desolation
of the scene unbroken by a single tree or living object.
The heat of the day being so intense, we are now compelled
to travel at night ; the sand in the road is very deep, which
makes travelling very laborious, and it is hot enough to
scald the legs of the animals. What would seem strange,
although so near the river, we frequently suffer for want
of water; the underbrush and weeds prevent our getting
to it. For the last two or three weeks, we have seldom
encamped within less than a mile of the Gila, and it was
often with a great deal of difficulty that we could get at
it, besides carrying the water that distance.

Thursday, Aug. 9. — We unpacked about 1 o'clock this
morning and rested until daybreak, when we repacked
and continued our journey. At 10 o'clock a. m. we halted
to prepare breakfast, which occupied an hour's time. Here
we found a bush shelter from the sun, which had been put
up by some advance company. The day is excessively hot.
After breakfast (if such it can be called) we started.
Passing over several low, barren sand hills we emerged
upon a sand plain, stretching off to the south and west
as far as the eye could reach. Never will I forget the
sensations that come over me when I first gazed upon this
scene. The crossing of the Colorado, and the desert beyond,
had long been the subject of speculation and dread. From
the information we had, we had every reason to expect
many ^ difficulties and troubles in passing this important
point in our journey, but nothing could exceed our anxiety
to realize it, for we imagined that once beyond the Jornada,
the greatest obstacle in the route would be overcome and
we would soon reach the settlements of California. Well,
on our right we could see the course of the Gila river,
flowing westward, marked by the line of cotton wood on
its banks, and the mesquite timber stretching for some
distance over the plain. On the south we had the broad,
barren, sandy plain, which we know to be the valley of
the Rio Colorado, although we could not distinguish the
river or its course; and on the west, nothing but a high
and apparently desolate waste, bounded the horizon. A
hazy atmosphere hung over the scene, on fire, as it were,
by the intense heat of the sun, the rays of which are re-
flected upward by this immense mirror of sand; all com-
bined to form a picture at once grand, gloomy, and fore-

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 241

boding. Our road kept within the range of the mesquite
timber, and we had traveled but a few miles when we
found some beans. The condition of our animals obliged
us to stop and unpack, which we did about 1 o'clock, and
two hours were spent in gathering the beans for the mules.
Towards evening we found a suitable encamping place in
a grove of mezquite ; had an abundance of beans and some
coarse grass on the border of a lagoon, which connected
with the Gila. Here we found a small company encamped
who informed us that we were within two miles of the
junction of the Gila and Colorado rivers. This was joyful
news to us for we could turn our backs upon the Gila now,
with as much pleasure as we first beheld, drank and bathed
in its cool and limpid waters, which have since gradually
changed into a broad, heated, turbid and brackish stream.
In the course of our journey along the river we have
forded it upwards of one hundred times, and many times
the apparently impassable mountains which bound its
course seemed to bid defiance to the efforts of our weary
animals and selves. The Yumas Indians had stolen several
mules from these men, which is an irreparable loss to them.
There is a village of them on the north side of the river,
directly opposite, but not in sight. We had scarcely reached
camp before we were visited by a number of them. We
exchanged one or two animals with them, but did not better
ourselves much. Distance, 40 miles — 1875.

Friday, Aug. 10. — Howard and myself walked down
to the upper crossing about a mile below the junction. The
majority of the emigrants have crossed at this point, while
some have gone down a few miles to Gen. Kearney cross-
ing. We found some fifteen or twenty men here, busily
engaged in ferrying over their baggage, and employing
Indians to swim over with the mules. They had a wagon
body which they had managed to make water-tight, and
answered the purpose tolerably well, although it is a
slender boat in this "torrent of waters." The Colorado is
here about 350 yards wide, deep enough to float a "man
o' war," and a very swift current. In crossing the boat
is carried down half a mile by the stream, in spite of all
the force that can be put upon her. The banks of the
river are pretty high, and covered to the edge by a thick
growth of cotton wood and underbrush, so that it is impos-
sible to land on either side but at the present places of
embark and debarkation. After crossing with a load they
are obliged to tow the boat up stream by hand, with a
great deal of labor, crawling along the bank over roots,

242 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

wading or swimming for the distance of a mile, to make
sure of the point on this side. There are about fifty Indians
standing about, watching for every opportunity to plunder.
They have heretofore carried the packs of emigrants over
upon small rafts, made by lashing together several bundles
of reeds; in this way they supplied themselves with cloth-
ing, blankets, tobacco, etc. This interference with their
business has somewhat enraged them, and they have already
given the emigrants a great deal of trouble, stealing their
animals and robbing them of their baggage, provisions,
money, etc., and in some instances attacking and killing
several. They are the most expert swimmers I have seen
and remarkably strong in the water. They frequently carry
a bundle of clothes upon their heads — to keep it dry — with
the lariats of three mules in their hands, which they man-
age with most surprising dexterity in the swift stream.
Their usual plan of stealing is while crossing with the
baggage on their rafts or swimming over with animals,
when they reach the middle of the stream they turn down,
and the current in a few minutes carries them far beyond
the reach of the loser, when they land and hide their plunder
in the thicket, until the emigrants have left the river. Prop-
erty to the amount of thousands of dollars have been taken
from the emigrants in this way. In endeavoring to get
into the, bank of the river about a mile below this crossing,
in an almost impenetrable thicket, I accidentally discovered
one of their pens for hiding animals, etc., but it was empty.
The Yumas are a fine looking tribe, with well formed bodies
and regular and rather handsome features. They have a
great deal of money amongst them, and I saw as high as
$30 in gold coin paid for a single blanket. They wear no
clothing but the breech cloth except the few articles of
dress they have procured of travelers, in which they attire
themselves rather awkwardly. What would one of our
eastern ladies think if waited upon by one of these "lords
of creation," with but a shirt and a coat to cover his naked-
ness, yet looking as dignified and vain as an enlightened
gentleman who has nothing but a good suit of broadcloth
to recommend him to their notice! A foreign dress has
a surprising effect upon the character of the Indian, at
once arousing his vanity and self-esteem. After seeing
"how things were to be done" at the crossing, and engag-
ing the "boat," we returned to camp. About 10 o'clock
we packed up and started down. The boat was still in use
and we could do nothing but cross our mules. We hired
some Indians to swim over with them, one, two and three

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 243

at a time, for which we gave them blankets, tobacco, etc.
We were cautious, however, to first station a man on each
side of the river with our best shooting rifles, some dis-
tance below the ferry, to kill the redskins should they
make an attempt to steal the animals. Part of our com-
pany crossed over to receive the mules, while the rest of
us remained to start them in and watch our baggage. A
small mule belonging to Franklin became entangled in the
lariat and was drowned. The Indian brought it on shore
and in a short time every part of it was carried away.
The first butcher cut out the entrails and lugged them off,
as the most delicate part, and the last took the head of
the ill-fated animal upon his shoulders and trudged away,
well satisfied with his share. Although we came very near
losing three fine mules, this was the only actual bad luck
that happened to our company. When night set we had
all the animals safely over, but our baggage yet remained
behind ; we were obliged to divide camp and keep a guard
on each side.

Saturday, Aug. 11. — The moon arose about 2 o'clock,
when we commenced crossing our baggage, and by 12M,
we had all our "traps" safely landed on the western bank
of the Colorado, after ten hours of the most fatiguing
labor. We immediately packed up and went out a short
distance from the river, where we found a pond of water,
an abundance of beans and some grass.

Sunday, Aug. 12. — Visited by the Indians. They had
nothing to trade except jerked mule meat, which we pur-
chased, glad to get it. The few squaws we saw were
remarkably tall, and heavy in proportion. They might
well be classed with the race of giants. At this point we
expect to leave all water and strike out upon our journey
across the desert. Accordingly, we filled all our water
vessels — gourd, canteens, haversacks, etc. My air pillow,
which had done good service in the purpose for which it
was made, and was used as a life preserver in swimming
the Colorado, now served as a canteen in which we packed
four or five gallons of water, and altogether, we must have
had about 20 gallons. We also packed a lot of mezquite
beans. Everything being in readiness, we started about
4 p. m. We traveled west, across the river flat, until we
reached the high ground; then south, crossing a number
of high rough ridges, putting it towards the river. The
country began to change in appearance, and we soon found
ourselves "up to our eyes" in sand; the surface rolling
and perfectly bare of vegetation except a small species

244 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

of brush, which found its way up through the sand, ap-
pearing to defy sterility. The drifting sand had closed
up the trail in many places. Night closed in upon us and
after many fruitless attempts to follow it, we concluded
to stop, which we did about 10 o'clock, tying our animals
up to the bushes before mentioned. We lay down to rest
and sleep, but in vain — the hot atmosphere and heated
sand bed prevented anything of the kind. The animals
sank to their knees in the sand.

CHAPTER XVI

Monday, Aug. 13. — The early dawn of morning was
the sign to be "up and doing," for no more time was to
be lost, after launching out upon the desert. We were
bivouaced upon a ridge of sand, and a continuation of sand
hills stretch out to the W. and N. W., bounding the hori-
zon in that direction. On the east is the river flat; the
stream is not in sight, but the bottom is covered with mez-
quite timber, and this can be seen off to the south as far
as the vision reaches. After packing up we descended to
the flat, where we found some small pools of water. We
watered our stock and replenished our canteens. We
were no little surprised to find a cornfield here, and shortly
afterwards saw the Indians coming out of their huts with
baskets, to gather their day's s'upply of corn, melons, etc.;
they said they belonged to the Marapopa [Maricopa] tribe.
Judging from the barren appearance of the soil I could
not have believed that it would produce, especially at
such a distance from the river. Here we found a trail
running along at the foot of the sand hills, which we fol-
lowed, not knowing whether we were in the right or wrong
road. About 9 o'clock we found some beans, and stopped
an hour to rest and feed our animals. About 12 o'clock M.
we came to the well, where we unpacked, watered our ani-
mals, and prepared breakfast, or rather, breakfast, dinner
and supper in one meal, for we have eaten nothing since
we left the Colorado. A little coarse bread, weak coffee
and an allowance of mule beef is highly relished. There
is as much water in the well as we can use, but it is scarcely
fit to drink, (or would be considered so were we in a
more enviable position.) Started at 1 o'clock and again
stopped at 2 p. m. to feed upon beans, which we found
in great abundance. The road to-day has been good, rather
solid, which makes traveling comparatively easy. When
we again started we left the wagon road to the right and

FROM LEWI3BURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 245

followed a trail. At 3 o'clock we found another well con-
taining a small quantity of brackish water, and a dead
mule; which probably had been left behind, and fallen in
in its attempt to get to the water. We drank as much
as we wanted and again pursued our journey. Our gen-
eral course is now nearly due west. Night set in upon
us, but we did not stop until 10 o'clock p. m., when the
darkness prevented our following the trail. We tied our
animals up to the small bushes and laid down to rest. I
had become drowsy from loss of sleep and fatigue, [so]
that I frequently slept on mule back, and waked up when
about to fall off. I could not shake off the feeling, which
was truly wretched, although I made every effort to do so.
Tuesday, Aug. 14. — The moon arose about 2 o'clock,
when we packed up and started, driving at the rate of 4
to 5 miles per hour. Our canteens now contain pur entire
stock of water. The sand is pretty heavy in places,
and in other parts the road is very solid, the earth being
of a gravelly nature, and destitute of vegetation through-
out. About 7 o'clock this morning we reached the third
well. It is situated in a large, deep ravine, but the supply
of water was so scanty that we could get but a quart apiece
for our animals, and none for ourselves. This place is a
perfect Golgotha — the bones of thousands of animals lie
strewed about in every direction; and a great number of
carcasses of horses and mules that have died lately, pollute
the atmosphere. Deserted wagons, harness, saddles, etc.,
add to this destructive and sickening scene. After drain-
ing the well to the last drop, we concluded it would be
better to go ahead than to wait for it to fill up again. It
was with great difficulty that we restrained our suffering
animals from rushing into the pit headlong. By their
incessant nickering and unwillingness to leave the place,
it seemed as though the little we gave them increased their
thirst. We drove along at a fast rate until 9 o'clock a. m.
Our stock of water is almost out, and we have eaten noth-
ing since yesterday. We do not know how far we are
from water, but have concluded to "take a piece" at all
hazards. This emptied some of our canteens entirely,
and there is not now more than three pints of water in
the company. The heat has been almost insupportable,
but a slight breeze has just sprung up. Repacked and
traveled at a rapid pace. By 11 o'clock our water was
entirely gone, and some of us were suffering from thirst,
uncertain when we should reach water. It operated so
powerfully upon Maj. Green that he became almost frantic,

246 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

and what the consequences would have been had we not
reached water shortly afterward, God only knows. About
one o'clock we saw a small trail leading off to the left
of the road, towards what seemed to be some small trees
and shrubbery; but we had so often been deceived by
"mirage" during the day — frequently imagining we saw
trees, water, etc., in the distance — that we scarcely knew
what to do, whether to follow the trail in hopes of finding
water, and lose the time if we failed, or, continue ahead
as fast as possible. After a short deliberation we de-
termined to pursue the former course. Our joy can
scarcely be imagined when, after traveling a short dis-
tance, we came upon a pond or stream of water. Had
it not been very warm the consequences might have been
fatal to some of us, for we drank a large quantity of it.
We now gave the mules as much as they could drink,
but some of them had rushed into the pond and "helped
themselves." We could not account for this large body of
fresh water at this place, having never read or heard of
its existence. (We have since learned that it was "New
River," a stream that miraculously opened up in this desert
waste during this summer) .80 But for this God-send, hun-
dreds of emigrants must have perished, many of whom,
like ourselves, were poorly supplied with suitable water
vessels. As it was, we heard of several that were lost and
died from thirst. That it did not exist before this season
is attested by travelers and Indians, who have been ac-
quainted with the route for many years. It could not have
been passed by unnoticed, for in one place it runs across
the main traveled road. I think that it is a branch of
the Colorado, or rather, an arm of that river. The bed
of the stream indicates that it existed before. The point
at which it leaves the main stream might have been closed
up by the washing of sand, or the shifting of the current,
which is very common in these western waters, and again
opened by an unusual rise in the river. This is but a
supposition; the true source has not yet been discovered.
We saw a number of ducks and other wild fowl, when
we first reached the water. Up to this point we have
traveled twenty-four hours since leaving the Colorado,
and concluded to unpack, have something to eat, and rest
until evening. Shortly after we encamped a company of
Sonorians came up, on their way home from the gold mines
of California. We could talk but little Mexican, but learned

80. Others seem to corroborate the strange emerging of this stream in the
summer of 1849. See Foreman, op. cit., 283, 330.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 247

from them that there were a great many Americans in
the mines; that mules were worth from $100 to $300,
etc. They showed us a quantity of gold dust, and said
it was very abundant out in the diggings. Since leaving
home we had seen or heard nothing from our place of
destination, and we had almost forgotten the principal
object of pur journey. We had thought that we were on
the safe side of the Jornada, but learned that we had yet
a "long drive" before we reached Cariso creek.81 After
a long search we found some beans about two miles from
camp, where we took our stock to feed. The day has
been very hot and the mezquite affords but poor shade.
Distance (since last noted), 75 miles; 1950 miles out from
Fort Smith.

Wednesday, Aug. 15. — Left our place of encampment
at dark last evening and drove along at a very rapid pace.
Met great numbers of returning Senorians. Crossed a
stream about ten yards wide — New River, (of which we
were not aware at the time), and so deep that it swam
some of our smaller mules. Some persons encamped on
the bank said it was a running stream of fresh water, and
that we had better stop. Having traveled only 4 or 5 miles,
and our canteens being yet full, we concluded to go on.
About 10 o'clock we crossed a lagoon of salt water. The
darkness prevented us seeing, but we knew that the Salt
Lake must be but a short distance on our right. Yes^
terday we were much deceived by "mirage ; " that is, a
large lake of water surrounded by trees and shrubbery,
constantly appeared before us, receding as fast as we
neared it. Our animals being greatly fatigued, we were
obliged to stop at 2 o'clock a. m. and tie up to some bushes.
I was very glad of it, for I had suffered all night from
drowsiness, and a more disagreeable feeling can not be
experienced. We lay down with empty stomachs. Our
entire stock of provisions is now reduced to about 3 day's
rations, and we have already felt the gnawings of hunger.
I was too much fatigued and sore to sleep, during the two
hours that we lay down. When the moon rose, about 4
o'clock in the morning, we packed up and started in a
N. W. direction. About 9 o'clock a. m. we entered the
mountains. Armstrong abandoned his riding horse this
morning, and more of our stock show strong symptoms
of "giving out." Our canteens are empty and we are
obliged to push for water. After a hard struggle we

81. The distance from the last "well" to Cariso Creek seems to have been "about
thirty miles." Ibid., 284.

248 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

reached Cariso creek, but found no water. The sight of
the dry bed of a stream would not allay our thirst, and
we made all haste up it until we reached the head, where
a small rivulet is formed by the water oozing out of the
ground in several places, flowing a short distance, and
then disappearing in the sand. In our eagerness to reach
water, it was the best man, or rather, the best animal
foremost. We were scattered all along the way, and the
last of the company did not get up for two hours after
the first. We reached this point at 11 a. m. The water,
though clear as chrystal, has a peculiar and unpleasant
taste. We ate a piece, but we could find nothing for our
animals to feed upon. There are a large number of
Senorians encamped here, resting their stock, before they
undertake crossing the desert. They have several hun-
dred head of fine horses, which they have no doubt stolen
on the way, for it would seem poor policy to purchase
animals in California to carry to Sonora, where they are
said to be very cheap. They gave us glowing accounts
of the gold diggings, and had large quantities of the dust
in their possession.82 This appears to be a general encamp-
ing place, but the stench arising from the number of dead
animals strewed about is almost sickening. Packed up and

82. Very possibly these were some of the Sonorans who were heading for Cali-
fornia when John C. Fremont came this way about six months before the Lewisburg
party. It was from them that Fremont first learned that gold had been discovered
in California. All Sonora was alive with excitement. "These Sonora Mexicans were
on their way to the diggings. Fremont acted with characteristic impetuosity. Mari-
posa might be the best property after all. He leaped to the conclusion that gold
would be found on his new lands, and promptly engaged twenty-eight Mexicans to
work for him. He was to grubstake them, and they were to contribute their muscle
and skill, and the gold was to be equally divided." After he reached California,
Fremont established his home in Monterey, from where his holdings lay across the
San Juaquin valley in the foothills to the east. "The Sonora miners had been sent
to Mariposa without delay and were busy prospecting and extracting the gold from
the river gravel . . . As soon as the news spread that Fremont's Sonoran helpers
were washing out gold literally by the bucketful, a rush of other prospectors took
place to the region. Shortly, two or three thousand were on the ground . . . But
the Sonorans, as the first comers, had an advantage over others. They washed out
the gold in such quantities that it was sent down to Fremont's home in Monterey,
so Jessie tells us, in hundred-pound buckskin sacks, worth not far from $25,000
each . . . Unfortunately, the Sonorans did not get on well with the American new-
comers. They left near Christmas for home ; and as Fremont was too busy with
politics at the moment to go to Monterey to divide the gold, he sent the miners the
keys to his storeroom there. They made the division themselves, and took not a
single ounce more than was their just share." Allan Nevins, Fremont, the West's
Greatest Adventurer, ii, 422, 432, 434, 436-37. Such confidence manifested by each
in the integrity of the other was certainly remarkable and noteworthy. As we
shall see later, the Sonorans employed by Fremont were still working at the Mariposa
diggings when the Lewisburg party arrived there.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 249

left Cariso creek at 3 o'clock p. m. Traveled up a narrow
valley in a N. W. direction. The mountains on either side
have a barren aspect, and the only vegetation in the val-
ley is the mezcal plant and a few stunted, prickly bushes.
Seeing some palmetto trees on our right, we judged we
should find water there, and we were not disappointed.
There are several springs, but the water was very bad,
beside being polluted by the dead horses and mules that
lay in and about them. We were obliged to encamp for
the night, and left our animals to browse upon the few
bunches of bear grass that grew around. Satisfied that
we are now across the much dreaded desert, we lay down
early and enjoyed the most comfortable night's rest we
have had in a long time. We also experienced a decided
change in the atmosphere. Distance, 48 miles — 1998.

Thursday, Aug. 16. — We felt the shock of an earth-
quake during the night, so sensibly that we were all awak-
ened by it. At day-break we packed up and started, our
mules all the while crying and nickering from the pangs
of hunger. The poor, worn-out creatures are to be pitied,
having had no food for nearly forty-eight hours. Continu-
ing up the valley three leagues we reached a fine green
spot of grass containing a few acres. The earth is spouty
— an abundance of water, but not very good. Here we
unpacked, and our animals set about satisfying their
appetites with a great deal of avidity. We did not fare
so well ; could find no wood, except a few small green wil-
lows— but it mattered little for we had little to cook. After
the loss of a great deal of time and breath, we succeeded
in boiling a pot of coffee. There are two or three Indian
families living here, who say they belong to the San Felippe
tribe. We saw the ruins of Maj. Graham's camp, part
of whose camp were obliged to go into winter quarters
here, on their way to California in '47 and '48.83 They had
thrown up adobe and mud huts, some of which are
remaining. His troops suffered a great deal from cold,
want of provisions, etc. At 2 p. m. we started for San
Felippe, where these Indians told us we could procure
breadstuff, etc., and the distance was 4 leagues. We

83. The officer here mentioned must have been Major Lawrence P. Graham who,
after the signing of the treaty (in February 1848), was ordered from Chihuahua to
California with a contingent of the First U. S. Dragoons. The diary kept by Lieutd
Cave Couts seems to be the only account extant of that march. Bancroft, New Mex-
ico and Arizona, 479, tells us that, because of the drunkenness and incompetence of
the commander, the troops suffered considerably. See also Foreman, op. cit., 303, 327.
The camp must have been occupied in the winter of 1848-49 instead of 1847-48 as
Chamberlin has it.

250 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

ascended and descended several long, narrow valleys and
ravines, and crossed two or three mountains. The sky
had been overcast with clouds during the afternoon, arid
towards evening a slight rain commenced falling, which in
the course of an hour saturated our clothes, and made us
feel very uncomfortable. This is the first rain that has
fallen upon us since leaving the vicinity of the Rio Grande.
Hill Dixon84 this afternoon abandoned his fine horse, which
he had procured from the Apache Indians, the animal
being totally unable to proceed. Night came upon us, but
finding no water or grass we determined to go ahead. We
have already traveled more than four leagues since leav-
ing camp, but we had our information from the Indians,
who knew but little about distance. It was very dark, but
the trail being distinct, we succeeded in keeping it. About
8 o'clock we saw a dim fire ahead, and at 9 o'clock reached
it. This proved to be San Felippe. The first thing we
knew, our mules were into the unfenced corn patches,
helping themselves, and the Indians hallowing and dogs
barking, endeavoring to drive them out. Although the
animals were very weary we expected a "stampede" every
moment. The darkness was so intense that we could not
see a single mule, nor each other. Where to go we knew
not; but, after a great deal of trouble and vexation,
groping about after our mules, etc., made an Indian to
understand that we wanted him to guide us to grass and
water, which he did. Here we unpacked, and turned our
stock loose at the mercy of the Indians and the weather.
We again lay down with empty stomachs in wet clothes;
the air cold and still raining. Distance, 21 miles — 2019.

CHAPTER XVII

Friday, Aug. 17. — In the morning we found all our
animals. The grass being good they had grazed around
camp all night. The village of San Felippe consists of
a few miserable looking huts, built of reeds.85 The inhabi-
tants cultivate a little corn, a few melons, etc. ; altogether
not more than one American, his wife, two children and

84. Dixon was one of the "Louisiana party" and is first mentioned in this
diary on May 4, supra. Apparently he was a brother of James H. Dixon of the same
party who on June 21 was elected to be captain until they reached the diggings.
(Suprcu, entries of June 21, July 15.)

85. Foreman (op. cit., 297 ) says : "At San Felipe all the travelers rejoiced at the
first sight of green foliage after crossing the all but interminable desert and they
tarried here to revel in the luxury of good water and foodi."

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 251

a pig could subsist upon. They also live upon mezquite
beans, prickly pears, etc. We had hoped to procure some
provisions, but they had none ; we made them every kind
of offer but in vain. During the day we saw them butcher
a poor mule, which had been left behind by some travelers.
They knocked it down, and then each fellow jumped upon
it and cut out a piece to suit his taste, without skinning,
dressing or anything else. Had it been jerked, or even
decently dressed, we should have come in for a share;
but as it was, we could not "stomach it." A heavy, cool
rain this afternoon. In the evening we purchased a small
quantity of coarse, sandy flour, brought to camp by the
Indians, at $1.00 per quart; also some black, dirty molasses,
made out of reeds, at 75c per pint. Some of the squaws
visited us, wearing clean and pretty neatly made calico
dresses, bare headed and bare footed. They are not beau-
tiful by any means. We remained here to-day to procure
provisions, but we will have to leave with sacks as empty
as we came. We have not eaten a full, satisfactory meal
since leaving the Pigmo Indian settlement, and have been
on less than half rations most of the time. A large num-
ber of Sonorians passed to-day, on their way home.

Saturday, Aug. 18. — A very heavy dew fell last night,
which wet our blankets. This is the first dew that has
fallen upon us since leaving the borders of the States.
Here we heard the echo from the report of a gun, for the
first time in the same distance. Started early, without
breakfast, and traveled through a long, narrow valley,
covered for some distance with a luxuriant growth of grass
and several clumps of cottonwood trees. There is some
pine timber upon the mountains, and grass, giving the
country a fresh and pleasing appearance to eyes so long
accustomed to sterile mountains and barren wastes. The
atmosphere is cool and comfortable. This entire change
in nature has sensibly affected our spirits, and they
brighten in proportion. Passed several Indian huts, at
one of which we procured some peaches, but they were
not ripe. During to-day's journey we saw the first Cali-
fornia oak, which grows abundantly on the hills and in
the ravines. We crossed a mountain of several hills and
descended into another larger valley, in which is situated
"Agua Caliente," which we soon reached, and encamped
beneath the shade of a fine oak. This place, more familiarly
known as "Warner's Ranch," consists of a few old adobe
buildings and Indian huts, situated at one end of a broad,
beautiful valley covered with a fine growth of green grass

252 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

and timber. Here we can see the road leading off S. W.
to San Diego, and another west to Pueblo de los Angeles.86
The inhabitants have some corn, mellons, etc., under culti-
vation, and several small vineyards, but the fruit is yet
unripe. There are both hot and cold springs here. The
water of the former is said to contain valuable medicinal
properties. The inhabitants wash their clothes and bathe
in it. The latter is excellent water, and the coldest I ever
drank. This is certainly a beautiful and romantic spot.
Vegetation is said to continue verdant the year around.
This is caused by the altitude of the place, being visited
by heavy dews and occasional showers. This is not com-
mon to any other part of California. Mr. Warner was
driven from his ranch some time ago by the inhabitants,
and has not yet regained possession. There is an American
here living with the Indians, from whom we purchased
some coarse flour at $2 per alamo, or about $12 per bushel.87
The population is a crossed race of Indians, Californians
and Mexicans. They speak the Spanish language, imitate
the Mexicans in dress, and are very much addicted to
gambling, which seems to be their only employment at
present. This is a general stopping place for travelers,
and there is now a large company of Sonorians engaged
in jerking beef to last them home. There are no cattle,
no meat of any kind, to be had at this place. This evening
the Indians held their annual feast in honor of their god,
whom they personify by worshipping the eagle. They
kept up a hideous noise, singing, dancing, bellowing, howl-
ing, grunting, dog barking, guns firing, all night. Some
of us slept but little. Distance, 18 miles ; 2036 miles from
Fort Smith.

Sunday, Aug. 19. — If we could have procured a supply
of provisions we would have remained here several days
to rest and recruit. Having the promise of some flour,
we waited until noon for it, but being disappointed we
packed up and started, at the same time loath to leave the
place. Traveled in a western course, on the Los Angeles
road, gradually ascending for some miles, over a good
mountain road, and then descending until we found grass
and water and a suitable place for encamping. Met sev-

86. It is interesting to find Los Angeles still being called a "Pueblo" as late as
1849. It had been founded in 1781 as a civilian town with the impressive name, "El
Pueblo de Nuestra Sefiora la Reina de los Angeles."

87. Chamberlin's ear did not catch the Spanish word correctly. Instead of
dlamo (cotton wood) doubtless the word used was almud,— & dry measure equivalent
to less than a peck.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 253

eral squads of returning Mexicans, all of whom confirmed
the report as to the abundance of gold, having proof in
their possession. Distance, 10 miles — 2047.

Monday, Aug. 20. — Had some difficulty in finding part
of our mules this morning, they having gone some dis-
tance on the back track during the night. Our road
through the mountains is good ; a few wagons have passed
over it. The hills are covered with underbrush, the ravines
are well timbered and the small valleys have good grass.
Towards evening we reached a fine, open valley and en-
camped near a California ranch, in a peach orchard. The
fruit unripe. Had fine water, good grass and but liftle
wood. Distance, 22 miles — 2069.

Tuesday, Aug. 21. — Purchased a few alamos [almudes]
of flour of the Indians by the way. Passed a cattle ranch,
but could not buy a beef from the indolent creatures who
had them in charge. A fine descending road through sev-
eral small valleys, but finding no grass, (being now in
the stock range), we did not stop until we unpacked for
the night, on the margin of a beautiful lake some 12 miles
in circumference, covered with wild fowls, and a vast herd
of fine cattle grazing on the shore. We stopped early arid
being very hungry, (having eaten no meat for a great
while) , we looked with longing eyes upon the fat yearlin'gs
running about within rifle shot. Some of us went to the
ranch to purchase, but found it deserted. Returned to
camp, decided to kill a beef, and soon put the matter into
execution. Ten minutes after the knife passed its throat
we had fresh meat cooking in the pans, on spits, on the
coals, and every other way we could cook it. Panful after
panful was fried; piece after piece roasted, until we had
completely gorged ourselves, actually not knowing when
to be satisfied. It was a "glorious" supper. Long after
dark found us around the fire, with spit in hand, roasting
"the last piece" again and again, before lying down for
the night. By this time nearly half the yearling had dis-
appeared— a pretty good lunch for eleven weak bodied men.
This will scarcely be believed by persons that have never
experienced our "fix." While in the midst of our bounteous
repast the man in charge of the ranch, with several peons,
came dashing up to the camp on horseback, attracted by
the buzzards flying around the blood and offals of the
slaughtered animal. We expected "gos," [sic'] but after
explaining to him the necessity of the case, he was very
well satisfied, and charged us but $4, which we considered
moderate. We "turned in" with satisfied appetites, for the

254 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

first time in a long while, but found that we did not rest
much better than when upon an allowance of weak diet.
Distance, 25 miles — 2094.

Wednesday, Aug. 22. — Packed the balance of our beef
along. Nooned at a California ranch, where we obtained
green corn, melons, etc. The general appearance of the
country as usual. Found a small patch of grass and a
running stream, where we encamped. Distance, 15 miles —
2109.

Thursday, Aug. 23. — Started at daylight and traveled
over a rolling country for several miles, when we crossed
a beautiful valley, down the centre of which flows a small
river of pure, cold water. Thousands of fine cattle were
feeding upon the flat. We stopped to noon at 8 o'clock,
after crossing the river. There is a ranch on the bank,
but we could buy no provisions there; they told us that
we could get all we wanted at the American ranch, a few
leagues ahead. We had been directed to "los rancho
Americano" several times before. At 1 o'clock we repacked
and at 3 encamped at Mr. Williams' ranch.88 This gentle-
men was formerly from Wilkesbarre, Luzerne, county, Pa.
From what I could learn he left Pennsylvania about the
year of 1820, and came out to the Rocky mountains, where
he followed hunting and trapping for a number of years.
A few years ago he settled upon his present location, which
is said to be the finest ranch in California; that he was
then worth nothing but the clothes upon his body, but
now owns eleven square leagues of land, 35,000 head of
cattle, 1500 horses and mules, and a great many sheep.
There is a flat of very rich land several miles in extent,
well watered, which he proposes laying out into a town
and farms, to be settled by Americans. Mr. Williams is
apparently very much of a gentleman, freely selling what
his ranch affords to emigrants at moderate prices, and
giving gratuitously to those in needy circumstances. It is
said that during the war he furnished the American army
and navy with horses and cattle, for which he holds a
bill against the United States government to the amount
of $250,000; also that Col. Fremont made an offer of
$200,000 for the ranch. Whether it was accepted, or why

88. This was probably Isaac Williams. H. H. Bancroft does not mention him,
but John W. Caughey, California, 238. in his chapter on "Mountain Men," tells us :
"No pretense has been made of calling the entire roll of the mountain men who pene-
trated to California . . . The fur trapping of many ... is so overshadowed by their
later activities that they are seldom thought of as trappers. J. J. Warner and Isaac
Williams, for example, are better known as California ranchers."

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 255

the sale was not made, I have never understood. Nearly
all the emigrants by the southern route pass this ranch,
and more or less have dealings with Mr. Williams. Con-
trary opinions have been formed as regards his character,
generosity, etc. ; some say that he has kept a strict account
of all that he has given the needy emigrants, with the
intention of presenting it to the U. S. government, etc.,
etc. Mr. Lane Trom Paris, Mexico, arrived here in advance
of us, on his way to the mines.89 He started from home
with nine wagons and upwards of fifty mules. He was
obliged to abandon all but one wagon and a barouche, which
he sold to Mr. Williams, and has but fifteen mules left. He
is an American who has resided in Mexico for a number
of years, and a very clever man, but I fear he has lost
more on the way than he will make in California. Here
I saw a new method of "doctoring" sore backed mules,
animals for which Mr. Williams had exchanged with
travelers, being almost ruined by the chafing of pack
saddles. The "caballada" was driven into the corral and
the patients, one after another, lassoed, thrown down and
firmly tied. Several young Indians then went to work,
gouging the dirt and corruption out of the sores with their
fingers, then they fill up the cavity with fresh slacked
lime, and let the animals run; and in a short time, it is
said, the sore will be healed up. It is a most cruel opera-
tion. I saw as much as a quart of maggots clawed out
of a single sore. The hills in this vicinity are covered
with the burrs of the wild clover, the stock of which has
disappeared. Poor stock will fatten upon these burrs in
two months. There is also an abundance of wild oats on
the hills, which is excellent feed. The almost incredible
number of cattle that range these hills and valleys, their
size and condition, prove that this portion of California
at least, is one of the finest grazing countries in the world.
The horses are not so large as American. They are never
accustomed to any other feed than the range, which ac-
counts, in part, for their ability to perform long and fast
journeys. An American horse does not "come out" or show
well until broken or trained. The Californian is the re-
verse; when tamed his spirit is broken and his beauty
gone. The Californians are cruel horsemen. The high
mountains on the north of the valley, and the south end
of the Sierra Nevada range, have a white appearance,
which is said to be natural lime of good quality. The cli-

). No other mention of this Lane has been found.

256 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

mate here is delightful, the day being warmest from 7
until 10 o'clock in the morning, after which the ocean
breeze cools the atmosphere, making the remainder of the
day pleasant. Distance, 20 miles — 2129.

Friday, Aug. 24. — We continued our course this morn-
ing, and stopped near Mr. Reed's ranch. Hill Dixon and
myself visited him. Mr. Reed came out from the state of
Missouri in the year 1844.90 He now owns a well stocked
ranch, a large vineyard, and has a comfortable house to
live in. He is a young man, has a California wife, arid
during the war her brother tried hard to take his [Reed's]
life. He gave us a great deal of information in regard
to the country and the mines, whither he had lately been.
We sat down (had almost forgotten how) to dinner with
him, gotten up in regular California style — tortillas,
frijoles, and a sort of hash made of jerked beef, onions,
red peppers, etc. We cleared the table, although abundantly
spread, and thanked our host, for he would receive no pay.
We returned to camp, pack up, went about two miles on
the back track and encamped on a small stream, near a
rude Mexican mill and several California and Indian
ranches. We turned our animals into a large wheat field,
off which the grain had been very imperfectly gathered.
This was the object of our return, and they appear to fare
so well that we have determined to remain several days,
for the purpose of recruiting them and ourselves. Here
we can procure beef, flour, bread, tomatoes, onions, melons,
etc.; but at pretty extravagant prices, excepting beef.
Distance, 12 miles — 2141.

Saturday, Aug. 25. — This morning we purchased a
beef, butchered, and busied ourselves in curing it. We
are once more in a land of plenty, comparatively, which
makes us feel right comfortable. Washing our clothes and
visiting the neighboring ranches to buy vegetables, learn
Spanish, etc. This afternoon an eclipse of the sun took
place. Having no almanac, it came upon us rather un-
expectedly. Lots of melons and tomatoes in camp to-day.
We enjoy the feast, expecting a famine to follow.

90. Not identified, unless possibly it was "Hugo Reid" who, in 1852, wrote con-
tributions to the Los Angeles Star which later (1926) were reprinted with the title
"The Indians of Los Angeles County. (Caughey, op. cit., 611.) Win. H. Ellison (ed.),
The life and adventures of George Nidever (1802-83), 116, tells us that in 1846 William
Workman "and Hugo Perfecto Reid purchased for debt the mission of San Gabriel."

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 257

CHAPTER XVIII

Sunday, Aug. 23 — This day forms almost a blank in
my memorandum of events. We enjoy it as a day of perfect
rest, for which it was designed, but by us so long misused,
through necessity or indifference. We have nothing to care
for but our stock, which are doing finely upon the wheat.
The valley is covered with a thick growth of black mustard,
now ripe, and of good quality.

Monday, Aug. 27. — During the night we were annoyed
by several skunks prowling through and about our camp,
over our beds, etc., no doubt attracted by the fresh meat.
They were unwelcome visitors, but we were obliged to
show them all due courtesy — "lay low and keep cool," was
the word, "or you will smell thunder, if you don't hear it."
To-day the Virginia and Texas mess overhauled us. Dr.
Winston and Capt. Fitzhugh have gone to San Diego, thence
to San Francisco by water ; Capt. Dixon, Green and Howard
on a visit to Mr. Reed's and Rohland's.91 Day warmer
than usual, but pleasant compared with what we have
already passed through. Schaffle sold his gun to a Sonorian
for three ounces of gold dust. The mill here is a curiosity.
The stones are about two feet in diameter, and fed by a
raw-hide hopper, which "chops" the grain at the rate of
two bushels in twenty-four hours. The water works con-
sist of a rough wheel, the power of which operates directly
upon the stones, without extra gearing. It is attended by
a woman, and two more are engaged in washing the grain
and spreading it out on blankets to dry.

Tuesday, Aug. 28. — To-day was spent in perfect idle-
ness, lounging about camp, sleeping, etc., and as the mind
generally sympathizes with the body, I have nothing to
note.

Wednesday, Aug. 29. — Packed up and started this
morning. Our mules show the effect of good feeding, being
very much improved in spirit, if not in body. Stopped at

91. Without doubt, this was John Rowland who, with William Workman, had
headed a party of American migrants from New Mexico to California in 1841 ; they
thought it prudent to "move on" because of the state of alarm aroused by the
expected invasions from Texas. Caughey, op. cit., 254, tells us : "They left Abiquiu in
September, followed the usual trade route, the Old Spanish Trail, across the Colorado,
through southern Utah and Nevada, and over the Mojave Desert and Cajon Pass to
Los Angeles, where they arrived some two months later. The party drove along a
flock of sheep for food and traveled much of the distance in company with the annual
band of traders from New Mexico." Next year (1842) Rowland "went back to New
Mexico to fetch his family." Ellison, op. cit., 116, states that "Workman and Row-
land secured the La Puente rancho, the title to which was confirmed by the Mexican
authorities in 1845."

258 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Mr. Rohland's and purchased flour (sifted) at $8.00 per
100 pounds. Mr. Rohland was formerly from Harmany, in
the neighborhood of Pittsburg, Pa. He is of German descent
and would be known amongst a thousand as "one of the
Pennsylvania Dutch." He has been in the country a num-
ber of years, intermarried with Spaniards, and now enjoys
peace and plenty. He owns a large ranch, well stocked,
good buildings, a mill, and a beautiful garden and vineyard.
We had the privilege of helping ourselves to the delicious
fruit, which is certainly of the finest quality I have ever
seen. There was an emigrant here, depending upon the
charity of Mr. Rohland, who was so reduced by the "chill
fever" that he could scarcely walk, and had no medicine
to check it. I gave him some quinine, with directions to
take it, for which he was very grateful. The country is
of a rolling nature, pretty well watered. We crossed sev-
eral streams, past two or three ranches, and reached Pueblo
de los Angeles about 2 o'clock p. m. We inquired for accom-
modations for "man and beast," but they could not furnish
the former. We concluded it best to go together, and ac-
cordingly encamped outside of town, on the bank of a
stream of pure, cold water. Distance, 20 miles — 2161.

Thursday, Aug. 30. — Concluded to remain here to-day,
for the purpose of supplying ourselves with provisions for
the remainder of the journey. A heavy dew fell during
the night, and this morning we are enveloped in a dense
fog. There are a number of American emigrants encamped
here. Los Angeles is handsomely situated in the midst
of a fertile, well watered country, surrounded on all sides
by hills. There is no timber in the immediate neighbor-
hood, except the small willows that grow upon the bank
of the stream, on the south side of town, which is about
25 miles distant from the ocean. The buildings, with one
or two exceptions, are one story adobes; many of them
being plastered and white-washed, give the place a tolerably
genteel appearance. Before the gold mines were discov-
ered this was the largest town in California.92 Nine-tenths
of the inhabitants are Spaniards, but a number of Ameri-
cans are about settling in the place. Several American
merchants that have been established here for some years,
have realized handsome fortunes. Money is very abundant,
and I saw a great deal of gold dust exchanged for merchan-
dise. We purchased Chili flour at $12 per hundred pounds,
equal, or if any difference, superior to American; coffee,

92. The population had grown from c.1,000 in 1830 to c.1,800 in 1840 ; in 1850
it had dropped to 1,610.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 259

25c per pound ; sugar, ST^c ; tobacco, $2, and saleratus $8
per pound ; tin cups, $1.50 apiece ; frying pans, $5, etc. Saw
sewing silk sold for its weight in gold. Liquor sold for
two bits a drink; salt, $1 per pound; common knives and
forks, $10 per dozen, etc. Doubloons circulate more freely
than sixpences do in Pennsylvania. There are several pure
Castilian families in the place, who are of a fairer cast
than Americans. The soil is very productive in the vicinity.
Wheat produces from 40 to 75 bushels to the acre. It is
sown in January and ripens before the drought can injure
it. The hills are covered with wild oats, and the valleys
with clover, mustard, etc. About the first of December, or
after the first rain falls, vegetation starts, and the country
assumes a universal coat of verdure, which lasts until July
of next year. All kinds of fruit and vegetables flourish;
apples, pears, peaches, orang'es, figls, apricots, grapes,
melons, etc., etc., are abundant in season.

Friday, Aug. 31. — Started this morning; passed over
a rolling country for some distance; our course due north.
Enjoyed the cool sea breeze, which increased almost to a
gale. We are within a few miles of the ocean. Crossed
a mountain and again turned our faces northward, up a
large valley, in which a countless number of cattle were
grazing, apparently without an owner — not a house or man
in sight. Saw some timber, live-oak, sycamore, walnut,
etc. Encamped in a vineyard and turned our mules into a
wheat field, near an Indian ranch, with the permission of
the owner. If we were not "in clover," wheat for our ani-
mals and grapes for ourselves were equally as good. We
paid the Indians for the fruit we used, of course. Had a
fine grape pie for supper. Distance, 20 miles — 2181.

Saturday, Sept. 1. — While at Los Angeles, I weighed
157 pounds, a gain of 7 pounds since leaving home. Maj.
Green weighted 160 pounds, a loss of 58 pounds in the same
time. So much for "high living." We were advised by
some Americans at Los Angeles, to take but 12 or 15 days'
provisions, cross the mountains into the valley of the San
Joaquin, and proceed directly to the nearest mines, as a
much shorter route, and the Maraposa being reported the
best diggings in the country.93 This morning we found
that we were upon the coast road, which is not our route.
A Spaniard gave us direction, which we followed. The
trail led over a level plain, covered with a dense growth of
clover, and we soon reached the mission of San Fernando.

J. See note 82, supra.

260 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

This place is almost deserted. A few Indians inhabit the
dilapidated buildings, which were built by the Catholic
church for their use and comfort. These California mis-
sions were once in a flourishing condition. Thousands of
wild Indians were gathered around them, instructed in the
"Holy faith" and taught to cultivate the earth. Each mis-
sion had its vineyards and fruit garden, a large tract of
land under cultivation, and countless numbers of cattle,
horses, sheep, etc. Good order, peace and plenty once
reigned over these beautiful spots. The "Padre" had entire
control of the concern and was reverenced as "prime ruler"
by his devoted subjects. But all things have changed. The
priests have left, nunneries are deserted, the Indians are
scattered, and many of them have fled to their wild haunts
in the mountains, and the buildings are fast going to ruin.
By what I can learn, these changes have been brought
about by revolutions in the country, altering the govern-
ment of the missions, restricting the power of the Padres,
etc., and finally, the country falling into the hands of
the Americans, and the discovery of the gold mines, have
made complete wreck of these once popular institutions.
Although I am far from being a believer in the reign of
the Roman Catholics, or rather their doctrines, I can not
look upon those missions, and hear the story of their rise
and progress and downfall, without feelings of regret, that
they have not been sustained. The principal building in
the mission of San Fernando, containing the church, con-
vent, Padre's rooms, &c., is a noble edifice, although the
architecture is very rude. It is two stories high, built of
adobes, plastered and white-washed. The roof is covered
with fluted tile. The windows are crossed with iron bars,
Its arches, pillars, belfry, statues, fountains, paintings, &c.,
give it an imposing appearance, and it must be acknowl-
edged a well constructed edifice, for this country, where
building material is so scarce. There are several Spaniards
in charge of the building, yards, cornfield, &c. We pur-
chased some pears and melons. There were a number of
Indians keeping watch over the cornfield, each one perched
upon a small scafford, above the tops of the corn. Shortly
after leaving the mission we entered the mountains, fol-
lowing a small trail up the ravine, to the head, where an
apparently impassable mountain seemed to obstruct our
further progress. There was no alternative, we must either
scale it or take the back track. It was not more than 5DO
yards high, but very steep, and the trail scarcely visible.
After one of the hardest struggles I have witnessed on the

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 261

route, our mules reached the summit with their loads. The
descent was almost as difficult. Shortly afterwards we
encamped in a ravine, beneath the shade of some large
sycamore trees; good grass, but little water. Saw a
"grizzly" upon the mountains, but he was not within rifle
shot and we could not get at him. Distance, 20 miles — 2201.

Sunday, Sept. 2. — Very cold last night. We now feel
the need of the blankets we were obliged to throw away;
we have but one apiece left. Shortly after starting we
entered a small valley. A great many cattle in it, and we
were led astray by their numerous trails. This detained
us an hour or two, but finding the cassa, (Spanish name
for house or home) , we were righted on our course. Here
we entered the mountain again, and crossed a very high
range, so steep that we had almost "to lay down upon
our backs to see the top of it." The trail was beset by rocks,
stones and bushes, and our travel this afternoon has been
a continual ascent and descent. "Old Sol" poured down his
rays upon us without mercy. Altogether it reminds me
of the days of toil and fatigue we experienced upon the Rio
Gila. We did not reach water until dark, which we found
in the bed of a deep, dark chasm in the mountains. Here
we encamped and turned our mules loose to browse amongst
the rocks. Saw another "grizzly" to-day and several deer.
Distance, 20 miles — 2221.

Monday, Sept. 3. — Continued amongst the mountains
in a N. E. course and had a hard day's travel of it. The
trail is so indistinct in places that we could scarcely follow
it. The fact is, few but Indians have ever passed over this
road, and it is utterly impossible for wagons to travel it.
Saw a small valley on our right hand, at the distance of
a mile, the entire surface of which was as white as snow.
We suppose it to be a deposit of salt, likely the dry bed
of a salt lake. Met with a number of bear and deer to-day,
but they were all at a distance from us, and we could not
lose time to run after them. We encamped in a beautiful
oak grove on the edge of a small valley, well grassed. A
spring of good water near camp. One of the company
shot a large catamount a few rods from camp. Distance,
20 miles — 2241.

Tuesday, Sept. 4. — Hill Dixon and myself start in ad-
vance of the company this morning, for the purpose of
killing game. We saw nothing but three deer very high
up in the mountain. The valley in which we encamped
gradually narrowed into a ravine, down which ran a stream
of clear, cold water. After descending this ravine for

262 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

several miles we emerged upon the broad valley of the Rio
San Joaquin, at the extreme south end. Here a solitary
Indian family lives. They cultivate a few vegetables. It
would be difficult to describe the desolate, barren appear-
ance of the plains before us. We could discern the moun-
tains that bounded the valley on the west. Not a tree, shrub,
spear of grass, or drop of water was visible. If ever vege-
tation existed here it has entirely disappeared. The day
was exceedingly hot, atmosphere hazy, and in the distance
the air and horizon appeared to blend into one. We were
almost afraid to "launch out" upon this wide waste. It
seemed to us more forbidding than the desert of the Colo-
rado. We had been instructed to keep down the valley
on the west side of the Tule lakes, which we followed, but
since have abundant cause to regret. The trail leads down
the east side, and is the route usually traveled. We started
in a N. W. direction, traveling over a level plain for about
10 miles, when we reached the head of the first lake, after
stopping once on the way to rest. Saw a few antelopes,
but could not get within shooting distance of them. Here
we found several sickly Indian families encamped, living
upon fish and muscles. The border of the lake is thickly
beset with tule (bullrushes), making it difficult to get to
water. It is literally covered with wild fowl. There is
a small Indian trail down the west side of the lakes, but
there are so many made by wild animals that we find it
impossible to keep the right one. These Indians are anxious
to have us go across the slue and travel on the east side.
We could not understand the reason, and did not heed
their warning and advice. We traveled until dark, finding
no water or grass, and not being able to get to water, we
stopped for the night and turned our mules loose to
browse upon the tule, for there was neither grass nor
bushes. But they were immediately attacked by myriads
of mosquitoes, which did not make their appearance until
sundown. To prevent their running away we were obliged
to stand and hold them. We procured a little water to
drink by cutting our way through tule and mosquitoes.
No wood to cook, and have eaten nothing since early morn-
ing. We are again out of meat. We lay down, but to sleep
was out of the question. The mosquitoes attacked us in
perfect swarms, apparently intent upon having our very
"life's blood." As much as ourselves and animals needed
sleep and rest, we though it best to pack up and travel,
which we did at 8 o'clock p. m. Being very dark we did
not pretend to follow the trail. The mules were hard ta

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 263

drive, being very hungry, and still annoyed by mosquitoes.
At 1 o'clock a. m. it became pretty cool, the mosquitoes
left us, and we lay down to rest. Distance, 38 miles — 2279.

CHAPTER XIX

Wednesday, Sept. 5. — We had two or three hours com-
fortable sleep; but the poor mules, having nothing to eat,
were noisy and restless. At daylight we packed up and
traveled two miles, when we found a little salt grass and
an opening to the water. Here we unpacked. We gathered
up some dry weeds and managed to cook some bread and
coffee. This is the first we have eaten for 30 hours. Left
this point at 1 o'clock p. m., following a well beaten trail,
which led us in a N. W. direction, leaving the lake in the
N. E., and a mountain between us and the lake. After
traveling about 15 miles we became satisfied that we were
upon a wild horse trail, and bearing too much towards the
mountains to the west. The range between us and the
water still continued, and increased in size. Persons who
have not witnessed it can scarcely form an idea of the
sterile appearance of the country we passed over to-day.
We have not seen a tree or living shrub since entering the
valley. We are at a loss for a time what course to pursue.
Our animals were beginning to fail; we had no water in
our canteens, and knew that we could not again reach the
lake before night. At last we concluded that our only
course was to strike N. E. across the mountains, and reach
water as soon as possible. Having no trail, we found
traveling very difficult. The earth is dried up to a perfect
dust, and every few steps the mules sink to the knees, in
places where gophers, coatis (coyotes), and other animals
have burrowed beneath the surface. When we reached the
dividing ridge we were lucky in making the head of a
ravine, down which we traveled in a winding course. We
knew we were going towards the water from the numerous
small wild animal trails that led in the same direction.
Night came upon us, we lay down in the ravine without
water, food or grass. Distance, 25 miles— 2304.

Thursday, Sept. 6. — Reached the lake at eight o'clock
this morning; unpacked, watered and grazed our animals
and ate a piece. The atmosphere so hazy that we can see
but a mile or two. We have concluded that the mountain
which we went so far out of our course to avoid, is the
dividing point between the first and second lake. Col.

264 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

mont and other travelers who have never seen them repre-
sent the Tule as one continued lake, about 70 miles in
length. Instead of this, it consists of three, in the form
of a crescent. Col. F. also said that this part of the valley,
lying west of the lake and San Joaquin river, is an almost
perfect desert, which thus far has proven true. We again
started at 1 o'clock p. m., our course N. along the shore.
The earth is very soft, resembling dry ashes or quicklime,
into which the mules sink almost to their knees at every
step. Encamped at dark and turned our mules into the
tule, which their hunger forced them to eat with avidity;
but they were soon attacked by millions of mosquitoes, and
it was with difficulty we prevented their stampeding. Never
did poor mortals suffer more than we from the attacks of
those insects — fight the mosquitoes, and hold our animals
by the head, was all we could do, having nothing we could
tie them to. Not one of us slept a wink during the night.
Distance, 20 miles — 2324.

Friday, Sept. 7. — Finding it impossible for either
man or beast to rest, we packed up and started long before
daylight. Drove several hours, when we came to the end
of the lake, and were obliged to strike N. E. to a slue for
water. Here we nooned and returned to the trail, upon which
we continued in a N. W. direction until night, and again
turned N. E. several miles for water, over a flat cut up by
slues. Not finding any, we encamped without water. We
had been instructed to cross Lake Fork, a river pulling
in at the south end of the lakes. After deliberating upon
the subject, we concluded that we were past all the lakes
and that it would be necessary to return to the foot of
the lake to cross the fork. Distance, 20 miles — 2344.

Saturday, Sept. 8. — Annoyed during the night by a
band of wild horses running around camp, trying to entice
our mules off. We have already seen a lot of them. They
are certainly the wildest animals I ever saw. Returned
to our trail about 22 miles, which proved a very unwise
move, being unable to cross a slue. Here we nooned. Again
moved up over our old trail and encamped where we riooned
yesterday, losing a day and a half, and hard marching at
that. Distance, 20 miles— 2364.

Sunday, Sept. 9. — Still thinking that we had passed
all the lakes and that the rise in them had filled this slue
with water, we determined to continue along until we
should head it, and then strike a due north course to the
San Joaquin river. We soon rounded the slue, and thinking
difficulties and perplexities at an end, we bore north o^er

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 265

a perfectly barren plain for about 10 miles. Saw several
large herds of antelope. We were deceived by the singular
phenomena — mirage. We thought we plainly saw the course
of the much desired river, even the trees on the banks. Our
surprise and disappointment cannot be imagined, when,
ascending a gentle rise another Tule lake lay before us,
directly across our course, extending east and west as far
as the vision can reach. Here was an end to our brightened
prospects ; for we had already imagined ourselves encamped
on the bank of the river, with plenty of wood, good water,
fresh fish, and but two or three days' journey from our
destination. Our situation is enough to alarm us. Many
of our animals are apparently upon their "last legs." We
have not full two days' rations or provisions left. Some
days ago we began to fear that we would not reach the
mines in the expected time, and confined ourselves to half
rations, which we again reduced to quarter rations, and
upon this fare we subsisted for several days — nothing but
bread and coffee at that. This amount of food will not
sustain us, and do our necessary work. The jaded condi-
tion of our mules obliges us to walk a great portion of
the time. For the same reason we packed but 12 days'
provisions from Los Angeles, which we were told would
be an abundance ; and no meat expecting to kill game. But
this is a poor dependence. We cannot hunt without stop-
ping, and this would be a loss of time, and but few of us
have guns left. Starvation or mule flesh stares us in the
face, but we will no doubt prefer the latter. To kill and
eat one of our faithful animals, that has brought us thus
far, seems rather revolting, but we look upon it as a thing
certain, and have already selected the first victim. This
lake like the former one, is bordered with tule, and is
literally covered with wild fowl of every variety, amongst
others the pelican, swan, goose, brunt, ducks, herons, cur-
lews, plovers, snipe, etc. They are so abundant that there
is an immense deposit of guano along the shore in law water.
The water we have to use is the essence of this deposit, and
is really disgusting, although we had become accustomed
to bad water. I had the good fortune to shoot a pelican,
which we sat about devouring upon the spot. We skinned
the bird, cut it in pieces, made a fire of dry tule, and each
person taking a portion, roasted it to suit himself. We
wallowed it about in the smoke and dirt, the rushes not
making heat enough to cook it. Alas ! after all our trouble
the "bird" was too strong for our weak stomachs ; however,
it fully sufficed for dinner, without eating it. Those who

266 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

happened to swallow a bite were sickened. I never wish
to dine on pelican again. The name of the infernal bag-
throttled creature is enough for me. We decided to travel
west along the lake. Wild fowls cover the water in many
places for fifty acres in extent, and their incessant scream-
ing would terrify an army, almost. Towards evening we
encamped, without food or grass, as usual, and after par-
taking of a "cup of guano tea," we lay down to meditate
upon our troubles and misfortunes. But nothing (except
mosquitoes) can long keep sleep away from the eyes of
the wayworn traveler. Distance, 20 miles — 2384.

Monday, Sept. 10. — Started before daylight, without
breakfast, following the course of the lake, which led us
in a due west direction. Several of us waded out into the
lake in search of muscles, the empty shells of which we
saw upon the shore. Found none, which was another
disappointment. Killed a duck or two and ate them, which
only served to arouse our appetites. Armstrong shot at a
wild colt, and wounded him, but he got off, the blood run-
ning from him at every step. If he could have succeeded
in killing him we would have had a fine supply of fresh
meat. During our march this afternoon I attempted to
walk along the shore of the lake and shoot some ducks, but
was so weak that I could do nothing, and was glad to get
on the back of my mule again. Toward evening we dis-
covered a gang of elk, drinking at the edge of the lake.
They all ran off toward the mountains on seeing us except
one buck, which remained in the water for some time. Hill
Dixpn, having a good rifle, and being acquainted with th'e
habits of the animals, placed himself in ambush near the
trail of the others, and as he came along he fired and mor-
tally wounded him. He ran about two miles when another
shot from Hill's rifle brought him to the ground. He
wounded another, but we did not follow him into the
mountain. We dressed the buck and packed the meat taking
it into camp upon two mules. The dressed quarters would
at least have weighed 400 pounds. This stroke of good
luck dissipated the idea of eating our mules. The meat
was excellent, resembling young beef. We enjoyed a rare
and bounteous feast this evening, and I think it was seldom
that men were more in need of being full fed than our-
selves. Supper lasted from dark until 10 o'clock. Distance,
15 miles — 2399.

Tuesday, Sept. 11. — Did not start until 10 o'clock, being
engaged in cutting up and packing our elk meat. We have
reached the western end of the lake, and our course is

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 267

now north. Passed an Indian village of about 30 huts.
They stay here during the dry season and live upon fish,
wild fowl, muscles, etc. They also collect the seed of a
species of grass that grows along the lake here in abund-
ance. It resembles flaxseed, somewhat, being of a glutinous
nature. They parch and pulverize it, and it makes a very
good flour. We tried to purchase some of it, being out of
breakstuffs, but they would sell none. We endeavored to
hire a guide here, but failed. At this place we came upon
the trail of five California carts, which came from the Mis-
sion of San Luis, and went to the mines, loaded with mer-
chandise. Encamped at the end of the lake; no wood or
grass, and the water still very nauseous to the taste. We
spied what we thought to be a pole sticking in the ground
about half a mile from camp. On going to it we found
a number of small poles placed around an Indian grave,
and the one we saw standing upright. Glad to get fire-
wood we robbed it completely, not stopping to discuss the
question of right or wrong. Again beset by myriads of
hungry mosquitoes. We neither rested nor slept during the
whole night. Distance, 15 miles — 2414.

Wednesday, Sept. 12. — Started early, but soon lost
the trail, the country being literally cut up with paths of
wild animals. Saw a great many wild horses, elk, antelope,
wolves, rabbits, etc. The horses generally run in large
"caballadas," hundreds or more together. On first sight of
us they toss up their heads and manes, snort and prance
about for a moment. They then start at full speed for the
mountains, always in single file. A cloud of dust marks
their course, for they seldom stop until far out of sight.
It is a beautiful show. They are all colors, and many of
them noble looking animals. They frequently come near
camp after dark, and course around it at night, endeavoring
to entice our mules away. The Spaniards are in the habit
of coming into the valley at a certain season of the year,
to lasso horses. This art must certainly require very fleet
and well trained animals. We had not traveled long this
morning before we came in sight of timber, which we
hailed with joy, being the first we have seen for eight days,
or since we have been in the valley. When we came up
with the timber we found it to border on a deep, muddy
stream, running south towards the lake. This we after-
wards learned was Lake Fork river, which we should have
crossed. We were anxious to get over, but could find no
fording. It appears that we are never to see the end of our
troubles and perplexities. By a more extended calculation,

268 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

we had expected to be at the mines before this time. We
are now out of provisions and more than 100 miles from
the diggings. But we will not despair while "we have the
wide world before us and Providence for guide." Distance,
16 miles— 2430.

Thursday, Sept. 13. — After failing to cross the stream
yesterday, we traveled 8 miles in a N. W. direction, and
encamped on the border of a swamp, where we found good
grass and tolerable water. This morning we returned to
the river, being pretty certain, although not sure, that
we could cross at that point. We retraced our steps, and
after a long search in vain, we gave up the idea that we
should cross there, and concluded to shape our course N. W.,
until we should reach the Rio San Joaquin. Returned to
the place we had left this morning and encamped, making
the loss of another day. Very discouraging. Distance,
16 miles— 2446.

(To be concluded)

NECROLOGY

Alvan Newton White. — Alvan Newton White died at
his home in Silver City on the morning of Monday, June
18, after a brief illness. White was born on May 8, 1869,
at Fallbranch, Washington county, Tennessee, the son of
Richard Jasper White and Nancy Jane Lady White. After
attending public schools in Tennessee, he entered Greene-
ville and Tusculum College, Tusculum, Tenn., and thence
went to Carson-Newman College, Jefferson City, Tenn.,
from which he received his A.B. degree in 1893. After
years of the practice of law in Tennessee, Oklahoma and
New Mexico, he was admitted to the bar of the United
States Supreme Court on March 9, 1916.

White came to New Mexico in 1896. Three years
later, on October 24, 1899, he married Louise Dickinson
at Nashville, Tenn. Her death a few months ago, hastened
his own demise, according to his friends. Three children
were born to the couple; Justine, deceased; Athington of
Silver City, and Arneille, wife of Bernard Roberts of Santa
Fe. Six grandchildren and several brothers are members
of the immediate family.

Soon after engaging in law practice at Silver City,
White was named city attorney, serving in 1897 and 1898.
His first elective office was that of superintendent of schools
of Grant county, an honor he held for three terms, 1901
to 1907. First attempts to enter upon a legislative career
were frustrated, having been defeated for the legislative
house in 1898, for the territorial senate in 1906 and the
constitutional convention in 1910. After that, he was
invariably successful at the polls, being elected a member
of the New Mexico house of representatives from 1926 on,
serving four times as its speaker, 1931, 1933, 1935 and
1937, chosen three times as such unanimously. His knowl-
edge of legislative procedure and his fairness in presiding
made him a favorite of both parties. In 1929, he func-
tioned as Democratic floor leader in the house. White
was chairman of the Democratic central committee of
Grant county 1926 and 1927, member of the state bar

269

270 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

commission 1931 to 1939, assistant district attorney of the
Sixth Judicial District of New Mexico in 1932, federal di-
rector for New Mexico of the United States Employment
Service, member of the American Bar Association having
been a member of its house of delegates 1937-1939, presi-
dent of the New Mexico Bar Association 1936-1937. He
was a Baptist, a 32d degree Mason, a Knight Templar, a
Shriner, and an Elk. As one of the incorporators and presi-
dent of the New Mexico Society for the Preservation of
Antiquities, White was deeply interested in the School of
American Research, the Museum of New Mexico and the
New Mexico Historical Society, never failing to guard their
interests in legislative matters. Author of a "Geography of
New Mexico," published in 1918, White also wrote various
official reports and contributed articles to sundry publica-
tions. His funeral took place at Silver City on Wednesday,
June 20.— P. A. F. W.

Numa C. Frenger. — Stricken during a session of dis-
trict court at Las Cruces, over which he presided, on the
evening of Monday, June 11, Judge Numa C. Frenger died
early the following morning, victim of an attack of acute
indigestion.

Born in Socorro on January 21, 1876, Frenger was the
son of a sutler for the U. S. Army during the Civil War,
who followed the troops from frontier post to frontier
post but finally settled in central New Mexico. The father
died when the future judge was only four years old. Reared
by Numa Reymond, of Las Cruces, who accumulated con-
siderable wealth as an early-day trader and stage coach
operator of the line from Trinidad, Colorado, to Franklin,
now El Paso, Texas, Frenger became one of the first stu-
dents of the New Mexico College of Agriculture and
Mechanic Arts, from there volunteering into Roosevelt's
Rough Riders in 1898. Upon return from the Spanish-
American War, he entered the University of Michigan Law
School and was admitted to the New Mexico Bar in 1901,
three years later.

In 1923, Frenger was a member of the New Mexcio

NECROLOGY 271

house of representatives. In 1926, he was appointed judge
of the Third Judicial District by Governor A. T. Hannett
to succeed Judge Edwin Medler, resigned. He served as
judge continuously from then until his death, having been
re-elected for a third elective term of six years in 1942.

Judge Frenger was a member of the Las Cruces city
council, the Las Cruces school board, the state interstate
streams commission, the district irrigation board, a regent
of the New Mexico College of Agriculture and Mechanic
Arts and a commander of the Department of New Mexico
Spanish-American War Veterans. Interested in the progress
of Las Cruces and the Mesilla Valley, he had the satisfac-
tion of seeing the completion of a fine public library, a
modern court house, new buildings at the Agricultural Col-
lege and other far-reaching civic improvements to the
furtherance of which he gave time and effort.

Judge Frenger was married on September 2, 1902,
in Los Angeles, to Clara Jacoby, who survives him, together
with a daughter, Mrs. J. A. Livingston of Arlington, Va.
Judge Frenger was a Presbyterian, a Mason and a Demo-
crat. Funeral services were held in the Presbyterian
Church at Las Cruces, the pastor, Rev. Frank Jones, officiat-
ing, assisted by Rev. Clarence Ridge, pastor of St. Paul's
Methodist Church, and Rev. Hunter Lewis, pioneer Episco-
palian missionary. Ceremonies at the grave were con-
ducted by Aztec Lodge, A. F. & A. M. Among the many
attending were Justice Daniel K. Sadler of the New Mex-
ico Supreme Court, Santa Fe; District Judge A. W.
Marshall of Deming; District Judge Charles H. Fowler of
Socorro, and Judge J. L. Lawson of Alamogordo, who was
appointed to succeed Judge Frenger. — P. A. F. W.

Frank Bond. — Frank Bond, merchant and wool
grower, who came to New Mexico from Canada in 1882,
died on June 21, in Encinas Sanatarium, Los Angeles, of a
chronic heart ailment, at the age of 82 years.

When his brother George now living at Santa Anna,
Calif., left Quebec province, Canada, 63 years ago, Frank
Bond, then 19 years old, soon followed. The Santa Fe

272 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Railway had reached Santa Fe only two years before, when
Frank and his brother set out overland to Chamita (San
Juan Pueblo) in Rio Arriba county, miles from the rail-
road, and entered the employ there of the late Samuel
Eldodt, a pioneer merchant and Indian trader. Less than
a year later, the brothers bought a small mercantile estab-
lishment at Espanola, thirty miles north of Santa Fe, and
there began a career as sheep and cattle growers, merchants,
and gradually acquiring large land interests, including the
famous Baca Location or Valle Grande, in the heart of the
Jemez mountains. George moved to Wagon Mound where
is located one of the various "Bond" mercantile houses.
Frank created a pleasant home with spread lawn and
flower beds in Espanola, which he left in 1925 for Albu-
querque for family health reasons. There he organized
and incorporated the Bond interests as Frank Bond &
Son, Ltd., with his son Franklin, his grandson and adopted
son Captain Gordon Bond at present with the U. S. Army
in Italy, and John Davenport of Espanola, who supervises
the Bond interests in northern New Mexico. The firm's
interests include two large wool warehouses, one at Albu-
querque, and the other, Bond-Baker Co., at Roswell; also
the Bond & Willard Company at Espanola; A. MacArthur
Company at Wagon Mound ; Espanola Mercantile Company
at Espanola; Bond and Wiest, Inc., at Cuervo, and Bond-
Gunderson Co., at Grants. According to the Albuquerque
Morning Journal:

"New Mexico in 1883 seemed to Frank
Bond 'a perfect desert.'

"Grain was transported in tanned buffalo
sacks on burros, four-horse stages ran from
Santa Fe to Espanola.

"These and other colorful descriptive
passages were included in a handwritten man-
uscript by Mr. Bond which he wrote in 1929.

"The youth who was to establish a mer-
cantile and sheep company that would spread
over the state visited Santa Fe in the fall of
1883.

" The plaza had board walks and bal-

NECROLOGY 273

conies overhead, full of saloons and a wide-
open town. Motley's dance hall was going
full blast, he wrote. I felt I was in a for-
eign town.

"Frank Bond was president of Frank
Bond and Son, Inc., until he left for Cali-
fornia. He was spoken of as a possible guber-
natorial candidate in 1924 and again in 1928,
but preferred the more reserved work of
building the state's economic enterprises
than serving in politics.

"In 1930 the Bond enterprises put on 11
eastern markets 30,000 heads of lamb in one
day, establishing a record for the country.
That year, 140,000 heads of lamb were fed by
them.

"Of the 13 million pounds of wool raised
one year in New Mexico, four and a half mil-
lion pounds were handled by the Wool Ware-
house in Albuquerque and another four mil-
lion pounds by the Bond-Baker Co. at Roswell.

"For the past 30 years the annual stock-
holders meeting of the Bond companies held
in Albuquerque, have brought together com-
pany members and their families from all
parts of the state.

"The Frank Bonds built the residence at
201 North Twelfth now owned by Dr. W. R.
Lovelace."

The latter years of Frank Bond were saddened by the
death at Albuquerque in 1923 of his mother ; in 1926 of his
father; then in 1927 of his daughter Mrs. Amy Corlett,
wife of General C. H. Corlett; in 1929 of his daughter,
Mrs. Hazel McClain; and in 1935 of his wife, Mrs. Frank
Bond, all of whom are buried in Fairview Cemetery, Albu-
querque. This is also the last resting place of Frank Bond.
The funeral services took place in St. John's Cathedral of
the Protestant Episcopal Church, Albuquerque, Dean
Lloyd W. Clark officiating. The pall bearers were: Otto
Hake, manager of the Albuquerque Bond Company office,
Stuart MacArthur of Wagon Mound, Frank Willard, W.
P. Cook, C. C. Titus and John Davenport, associates of the
deceased in his business enterprises. — P. A. F. W.

REVIEWS AND NOTES

The Wild Horse of the West. By Walker D. Wyman. (The
Caxton Printers. Caldwell, Idaho, 1945. Pp. 348. Bibli-
ography, index, illustrations by Harold Bryant.)

What has happened to the mustang and to the wild or
feral horse, whether of Spanish or American ancestry, in
the West, is exhaustively and interestingly set forth by
Walker D. Wyman. His is, perhaps, the final word on the
history of the horse on the western range, for it includes
a compilation of most of what has been written and said
on the subject, in addition to the author 's own observations
and conclusions. He begins his treatise with an account of
the eohippus, the prehistoric horse of millions of years ago,
but which had vanished from the American scene before
the advent of man, and ends with the tragic tale of the
extermination of the mustang, converted into dog food by
horse-meat canning plants.

Wyman draws a definite distinction between the mus-
tang and the feral horse and declares : "the true wild horse
exists in only one place, Mongolia." To Columbus is given
the credit for introducing the horse to America, so that by
1500 "a fair beginning had been made in ranching." "After
1510 prices began to increase. A horse that could have
been purchased for four or five pesos in that year, sold for
200 in 1530 and for 500 in 1538. It was soon thereafter,
in 1540, when escapes from the Coronado expedition, and
in 1543, when six horses liberated by De Soto, according
to legend, became the ancestors of the wild horses of the
West. Wyman, however, scouts this idea and asserts that
"it is probable that the wild horse herds emerged from the
ranches or mission ranches of the Spanish in the Americas,
not from some tired horses of the conquistadores."

Chapters III and IV Wyman devotes to the place that
the horse has played in the history and economy of the
Indian. The period from 1680 to 1750 saw the conquest of
the horse by the Indians north of Mexico. "The horse
changed the whole life of the aborigine. It was as import-
ant to him as the coming of steam to the white man." And

274

REVIEWS AND NOTES 275

further: "With them he bought his wives and paid his
debts. 'It was the greatest ambition of an Indian to be
the owner of a band of horses ; his chances of success were
nil without them; his wealth and social position was de-
termined by the number he possessed/ " * * * "One old
chief told Captain Marcy that his four sons were a com-
fort to him because they could steal more horses than any
other members of the tribe."

Important as was the horse to the Indian, he was essen-
tial to the rancher, to whom however, the wild horse be-
came a nuisance and even a menace. "To most cattlemen
a wild horse was something to shoot, not to capture." After
referring to the establishment of horse ranches in the
West and the origin of the western pony and the palomino,
the author devotes a chapter to "The Army and the Mus-
tang" and the traffic in horses, augmented by the demand
created by the Boer War and the first World War. He
concludes : "In 1940 there were no longer any horses avail-
able, other than strictly supervised range horses. * * *
"The wild horse made his contribution to the army in the
period after the Mexican War when he was worth some-
thing. After 1900 he no longer deserved the reputation
his mustang ancestors made for him. Today he is headed
for the cauldron."

It is after these 126 pages of preliminary history of
the horse in the West that the book turns to its main theme :
"The disappearance of the mustang and the extermination
of the wild horse from the western range." The mustang,
true descendant of the Spanish horse in America, was
deemed a pest by the first cattlemen in New Mexico in the
1870's and 80's. Nevertheless "the disappearance of a
great proportion of the mustangs is a mystery." The
author quotes a contemporary "that many thousands of
these ponies were surreptitiously converted into canned
beef and are even now being served over Eastern tables
and army messes as a select product of the cattle range."
It was the enactment of the Taylor Grazing Act in 1934,
together with the government range control of Indian
reservations, which spelled the final chapter in the history

276 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

of the wild horse. The methods of control and extermina-
tion are described in detail under such chapter headings
as "From Cow Pony to Cauldron/' "Methods of the Mus-
tangers," "The Herd and the Horse/' "From Mustang to
Broomtail," "The Stallion in Fact and Fancy." The efforts
to "Save the Wild Horse" by a few romanticists are termed
futile. "Rather than preserve degenerate strays, it is
better to look backward to that which once was, and cease
thinking of perpetuating that which does not exist/' is
the final advice of the author.

This is a book which holds the interest not only of
students of western history and of the range, but also of
the general reader. There are a few palpable contradic-
tions, several slight errors of historical fact and some
looseness in continuity and construction, due no doubt to
haste in writing under pressure of other tasks and the great
variety of opinions encountered in the authorities searched
and quoted. The bibliography and index show painstaking
labor. The numerous citations, both poetic and prose, are
enlightening and occasionally amusing, testifying to the
author's wide reading. The typography, illustrations and
attractive binding of the volume are a credit to the Caxton
Printers of Caldwell, Idaho, who have published several
scores of excellent volumes appertaining to western his-
tory and literature. — P. A. F. W.

A Du Val Map of 1670. — Recently the University of
New Mexico Library acquired a number of maps, one of
which (reproduced in actual size) we are using as the
frontispiece of this issue. The dealer was doubtless cor-
rect in attributing the map to the French map-maker,
Pierre Du Val; but he is believed to have been wrong in
assigning it the date of 1682, and also in stating that the
map was unknown to Phillips.

Small as it is, the map shows a vertical fold, and along
the fold are remains of a paper tab by which it had been
bound into some atlas, — this fact explains why the author's
name does not appear on the map itself. P. L. Phillips,
A list of geographical atlases in the Library of Congress

REVIEWS AND NOTES 277

(Washington 1909) shows as title no. 481: "Du Val, P.,
Le monde ov la geographic vniverselle, contenant les de-
scriptions, les cartes, & le blafon des principaux pais du
monde ... 2 v. 24°. Paris, Pauteur, N. Pepingue, 1670."
Elsewhere (title no. 3434) Phillips gives the size as 16°;
in either case, the atlas was small enough to slip into the
side-pocket of a modern coat. Map No. 9 in Du VaPs first
volume is of "Novveav Mexiqve," and this we believe to be
the one which we are here discussing.

Woodbury Lowery (A descriptive list of maps of the
Spanish possessions within the present limits of the United
States, 1502-1820, Library of Congress 1912), lists and
describes a similar map of Florida from the same atlas
(LC 153) , and in an accompanying note quotes a French au-
thority to show that Pierre du Val d' Abbeville lived from
1619 to 1684 ; that he was a counselor of the king and also
"geographer of the king." "His works are still esteemed
(1872), being considerable in number and importance."
And this authority adds the interesting fact that "he was
related to the Sansons, celebrated geographers." Lowery,
under his title no. 136, lists the Sansons as the father
Nicolas (1600-1667), a son of the same name (d. 1649),
sons Guillaume (d. 1703) and Adrien (d. 1718) ; and a
grandson Pierre Moullart-Sanson who died in 1730. Per-
haps we should note also another Frenchman who had an
active part in the map-making of that period: Hubert
Jaillot (c. 1640-1712). He came to Paris in 1657 and some
years later became interested in geography. In 1668-69,
he published "the four parts of the world" according to
Bleau, and then acquired from the Sansons the designs of
many new maps which he engraved with remarkable neat-
ness. In 1675, he obtained the title of "geographer ordinary
to the king," and worked without relaxation to increase his
collection of maps. (Lowery, op. cit., title no. 168)

The earliest Sanson map portraying New Mexico was
of 1657 and has been reproduced (from an original copy
owned by our Society at Santa Fe) in our issue of April
1936 (Vol. XI, no. 2). A comparison of that map with
the one of 1670 here discussed is instructive in many ways.

278 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

The two most glaring errors of the map-makers were the
showing of California as an island (an error which was
to persist until 1746) and of the Rio del Norte as emptying
into the Gulf of California. This latter error was to be cor-
rected, together with a pretty thorough straightening out
of place names, by the arrival in Paris in 1673 of Don Diego
de Peiialosa. (Compare the Penalosa map reproduced in
our issue of April 1934, Vol. IX, no. 2; and the Coronelli
map in our issue of October 1927, Vol. II, no. 4.)

Attention is called to the boundaries of New Mexico
with other jurisdictions, — shown by Du Val by dotted lines.
Canada was contiguous to the northeast; Florida to the
east (Du Val shows this boundary close to the right edge of
his map; the name is supplied by the Sanson map). In
other words, Florida, New Mexico, and California spanned
the continent for Spain in the seventeenth century.

Numerous other details might be noted, but we shall
remark on only two — which show how many mistakes
doubtless originated by the careless reading of an engraver.
On the outer coast of upper California the "Puerto de Fran-
cisco Draco" (Sanson) became the "Port du St. Francisqe
Drac" (Du Val) ; and the "Punta de Monte Key" became
the "Port de Monterey." True, Drake had been on the
California coast nearly a century earlier and named his
"New Albion," but he was no saint; and even the discovery
of the true San Francisco Bay was not to be made until a
full century after the drawing of this map by Du Val. —
L. B. B.

Legislative Appropriations. — Biennial appropriations
to historical societies by several western states : State His-
torical Society of Missouri, $67,000; Illinois Historical So-
ciety and Library $105,000 ; Iowa State Historical Society,
Archives and State Department of History $158,256 ; Min-
nesota Historical Society $95,840; Wisconsin Historical
Society $140,000. The Missouri Historical Society employs
thirteen persons and pays its secretary and librarian, Floyd
C. Shoemaker, an annual salary of $5800 and traveling ex-
penses. The Society has a membership of 5000.

REVIEWS AND NOTES 279

Life Memberships. — Recent life memberships granted
by the Historical Society of New Mexico went to Lt. D. E.
Worcester, U. S. Navy, author of "The Spread of Spanish
Horses in the Southwest" published in the July issue of
1944, of the NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW, and to David
M. Warren of Panhandle, Texas, vice-chairman of the
board of regents of the University of Texas and publisher
and editor of the Panhandle Herald.

Folk Arts Conference. — "Folklore has become a fad
and has attracted to itself a large dilettante following, us-
ually because of the 'quaintness' of old customs and the sim-
plicity or lack of sophistication of the tales or songs of the
forefathers or of belated communities today. The study has
also drawn to it somewhat more than its share of eccen-
trics and 'nut' !" Thus writes Sith Thompson in the latest
issue of Minnesota History. The comment appears in his
review of the Folk Arts Conference held at the University
of Minnesota. He continues "But in spite of the evil name
that these well-meaning but ineffective folk have acquired
in serious academic circles, there has been a considerable
group of scholars whose handling of folklore has been as
intelligent, as well-disciplined, and as definitely directed
as the investigations of the best of their fellows in adjacent
scholarly fields." The writer insists that the folk-lorists
should have academic training and acquire specific and
specialized knowledge.

Even here in New Mexico one runs across so-called
folklore or even so-called Indian mythology which can be
traced back to the Biblical and other religious tales used
by the Franciscan missionaries to instruct their simple-
minded charges who put their own construction upon what
they thought they heard, and which by retelling strayed far
from their original context.— -P. A. F. W.

tAL

Historical "Review

PALACE OF THE GOVERNORS, SANTA

October, 1945

LANSING B. BLOOM

Editors
Associates

PAUL A. F. WALTER

PERCY M. BALDWIN GEORGE P. HAMMOND

FRANK T. CHEETHAM THEODOSIUS MEYER, O.F.M.

FRANCE V. SCHOLES

VOL. XX

OCTOBER, 1945

No. 4

CONTENTS

Shalam: Facts vs. Fiction

Page
Jone Howlind 281

History of the Albuquerque Indian School (to 1934), concl.

Lillie G. McKinney 310

From Lewisburg to California in 1849, concl. (ed.) L. B. Bloom 336

Necrology: Nathan Jaffa Albuquerque Tribune, Sept. 13, 1945 358

Notes and Comments :

359-366

The Atomic Bomb ; The VT Fuse ; Los Alamos Ranch School ;
Raynolds Library; Morley Ecclesiastical Art Gift; Mexico
Field School Session

Errata and Index

The NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW is published jointly by the Historical
Society of New Mexico and the University of New Mexico. Subscription to the
quarterly is $3.00 a year in advance; single numbers, except those which have
become scarce, are $1.00 each.

Business communications should be addressed to Mr. P. A. F. Walter, State
Museum, Santa Fe, N. M. ; manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be
addressed to Prof. L. B. Bloom, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M.

Entered as second-class matter at Santa Fe, New Mexico
UNIVERSITY PRESS, ALBUQUERQUE, N. M.

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW

VOL. XX OCTOBER, 1945 No. 4

SHALAM: FACTS VERSUS FICTION

By JONE HOWLIND

(As the editor responsible for the acceptance of articles for publica-
tion, we have been mortified to learn that last year an article which
was in considerable part fiction — or shall we say "creative writing" —
was accepted by us in the guise of bona fide history. We are glad,
therefore, to be able to give our readers a second article on Shalam,
sent us by one who was so intimately identified with the founders of
that little colony. "Jone Howlind" is a penname, we are informed,
which Miss Rowland assumed when she joined the newspaper world
in El Paso.— L. B. B.)

RECENTLY an article on Shalam was brought to my atten-
tion which appeared in the NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL
REVIEW (April 1944), and was titled: "The Land of Sha-
lam: Utopia in New Mexico" by Julia Keleher. As the
article was almost completely unrelated to fact, and, so it
seemed to me, quite malicious, my first reaction was to
ignore it. Then I realized that possibly many fine, sincere
people might have read it, believed it true and accepted its
wild statements and prevarications. To such people, I
address this reply and corrections, and state some simple
facts about Shalam; Dr. John B. Newbrough, my father;
his wife, my mother; and Andrew M. Rowland who later
became my step-father.

Newbrough was born on a farm in Ohio, June 5, 1828.
He worked his way through medical school by living in the
home of a dentist and assisting him. He liked this work
and soon combined the two courses so that he was graduated
both an M.D. and a D.D.S. When the gold rush of 1849
came, he joined the procession and went to California. Suc-

281

282 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

cessf ul here, he went to the gold fields of Australia. Between
these two ventures he made something like $50,000. After
a trip around the world, he settled in New York City, took
up the practice of dentistry, and lived there until he went to
New Mexico in 1884. He invested his money in New York
real estate and built up a large and successful practice.

We can tell a good deal about a man from the books he
owned and read. As he marked his books, making copious
notations, it is still easier to follow the trend of his mind.
Among his many books, history, science, sociology — are
Agassiz, Humboldt, Hume, Darwin, and Draper, to men-
tion a few.

While it may cause a raising of eyebrows now to learn
that Newbrough became interested in spiritualism, it is only
because people today do not realize the tremendous sweep
over the whole civilized world spiritualism made during the
middle of the last century. In Italy, Germany, France,
England, the foremost scientific men not only engaged in
investigating it, they openly endorsed it. So in investigat-
ing spiritualism, Newbrough was not only swept along with
the masses of ordinary folk, he was in the company of the
greatest minds of the day. In 1881, he produced by auto-
matic control a book called Oahspe. For this work he has
been written up by the British and American Psychical
Research Societies. Oahspe has attracted eminent thinkers
and scholars, and it has also attracted people of low mental
order and countless so-called cranks. We can say the same
thing for the Bible.

The Oahspe plan for bettering society is this: that
believers shall gather orphan and castaway babies, go to a
remote, isolated spot, found a colony and here raise these
children. These people are to care for, raise and educate
these children, teach them trades or useful occupations,
teach them to be co-operative, loving and helpful towards
one another, raise them on a strict vegetarian diet and give
them strict religious training in the worship of their
heavenly Father.

For something so simple as this, would-be writers have
heaped vitriol, calumny, and lies upon lies on Newbrough,

SHALAM: FACTS VERSUS FICTION 283

his wife and Rowland, not only while they lived, but even
today after Newbrough has been dead fifty-four years!
World renowned swindlers have been more gently dealt
with and had greater respect shown them. Indeed, even
murderers who have committed atrocities upon the dead
bodies of their victims have never come in for the spleen,
vituperation, malice, slander, rankling with scorn and hate,
that have been heaped upon all of them, and especially
Newbrough. When I think of this and then the kind of man
Newbrough really was, I am reminded of another who went
around doing good. Before they nailed Him to a cross, He
said: "If the world hate you, ye know that it hated Me
before it hated you. If ye. were of the world, the world
would love his own : but because ye are not of the world, but
I have chosen you out of the world, therefore the world
hateth you." (St. John, C. 15, vs. 18-19)

There are two things Newbrough did while he was
practicing dentistry in New York which show something of
his character. At this time Goodyear held the patents on a
process used in rubber plates for false teeth. This made the
plates expensive and in turn worked a hardship on new
dentists or dentists who had a poor practice. Newbrough
had a lucrative enough practice so that it didn't hurt him,
but he didn't like what it did to others. Being a chemist, he
began experimenting and finally produced a plate as good
or better than Goodyear's. Goodyear promptly sued him,
claiming that Newbrough had infringed the Goodyear
patent. Newbrough lost the suit in the lower court and
carried it to the higher court where he won the suit. He
was therefore entitled to patent his invention, and doubtless
he could have made a comfortable sum. The suit had cost
him $20,000, and it would seem that at least he could have
held the patent long enough to reimburse himself what the
suit had cost him. He did neither. Having won the suit, he
gave his invention to the dental profession.

He had been impressed by the long, hard struggle a
young dentist had to make before he began to make a living.
Newbrough worked out a plan, and though it was a small
plan, through it he helped dozens of young dentists get

284 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

started. He would employ a graduate dentist in his office.
Here the young man gained experience. When Newbrough
was satisfied that he possessed the right character and
ability, he would open an office, furnish and equip it, pay
the rent on it and put this young man in at a salary. After
he had built up a self-supporting practice, Newbrough
turned it all over to him. In this way, he helped dozens of
young dentists get started and eased them through the
starvation period of the beginner professional man.

But though he was helping people the best he could,
though he had a good practice, he saw things which marred
his happiness. As he went to and fro on New York streets
on winter nights, he saw hundreds of children shivering in
thin, scanty clothes, dashing along icy pavements — news-
boys selling papers for a few pennies at all hours of the
night. The wrongness of it, the pity of it hurt him to the
depths of his great heart. I feel quite sure that it was these
pitiful little children, the plight of under-privileged children
to be seen on every hand in large cities, that finally decided
Newbrough to start Shalam colony. He used to say to my
mother — "if we could only take ten or twelve children who
have no chance at all and give them a real home, our love
and care!"

The hocus-pocus yarn that Newbrough was blindfolded
to find Shalam is purely a Munchausen fabrication. He
searched for fully a year before he found the spot that
suited him. Learning that he was hunting for such a place,
people from various parts of the United States, some
friends, some strangers, wrote him suggesting places, and
if they seemed at all suitable, he went to see them. He
made many fruitless trips and traveled over much of the
country before he finally found the desired spot. This was
by accident. His train was taking him to California and
passed through the Mesilla Valley. On his return he stopped
off, and not knowing anyone personally, he hunted up a
brother Mason. This man drove him up and down the
valley. As they drove, Newbrough finally saw a place that
enchanted him, — a wilderness nestling in a horseshoe bend
of the Rio Grande, mountains close behind it, mountains to

SHALAM: FACTS VERSUS FICTION 285

the north, the beautiful stately Organ Mountains fifteen
miles directly east. It was love at first sight — a love that
lasted the rest of his life. There were 1200 acres in this
bend — afterwards the river washed some of it away so that
in the end there were only 900 acres. He then and there
bought the entire 1200 acres paying all cash for it, and it
was his own cash, not Rowland's, nor contributions from
any one else. Whatever he paid for it, it was too much, for
none of it was irrigable as the Santa Fe railroad tracks
separated this land from the irrigation canal, known as the
Las Cruces ditch. The only other irrigation ditch lay still
further east.

The gossip about Newbrough getting Rowland to buy
this land, the reference to the land in such glowing words as
"fertile Mesilla Valley" definitely establish that such writers
are either under forty years of age, or are newcomers to the
Mesilla Valley. Old timers know that land in cultivation,
close enough to one of the two ditches of that early day to be
subject to irrigation, undependable though it was, was
worth at the most about $50 per acre. All other land was
worthless. It was not until the Elephant Butte dam was
assured (about 1906-7) that the sleeping Mesilla Valley
awoke. In the 1880's even Las Cruces was but a village with
not too many Americans. Until this dam was built, the Rio
Grande was a fickle, treacherous stream — sometimes a
raging torrent that flooded the valley, washed out railroad
tracks, destroyed crops and brought ruin in its wake, at
other times, it was a narrow stream too low to reach the
mouth of either of the two ditches (the Las Cruces and
Dona Ana) and for many months of the year, it was a dry,
sandy road-bed. As no crops will grow in this Mesilla
Valley without irrigation, it should not be hard to realize
that even land which lay within reach of these ditches, with
their undependable water supply, was not worth much, and
land beyond these ditches was, from a commercial stand-
point, worthless. Such land was Shalam land.

It is doubtful if Newbrough realized all this for it was
covered with vegetation. The reason was that surrounded on
three sides by the river that overflowed deeply into the land,

286 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

there was enough water to cause a heavy growth of cotton-
wood, scrub willow and tornilla on the fringe adjacent to the
river while mesquite and other desert plants flourished on
the center and higher portions of the land. It looked very
beautiful and green so it is no wonder that Newbrough, an
eastern man, little suspected that he was getting land on
which no crops would grow without irrigation. However
little he paid for it, he paid too much, but he was satisfied
and never begrudged the price.

Newbrough was not a poor man except by comparison
with Rowland. To a man who had spent $20,000 on a law
suit and then had given the benefit of this away without
even collecting the $20,000, who had bought the dental
equipment and set up in business dozens of young dentists,
the few hundred dollars he had paid for Shalam was not a
matter of great importance. It is quite likely that it cost
more to equip one dental office than this land had cost.

In the fall of 1884, when I was eight months old, New-
brough brought my mother and me and some twenty-odd
people down to New Mexico to the place which was to
become Shalam. Due to the fact that it was not irrigable,
the whole tract was a virgin wilderness — very beautiful,
but inhabited by everything which terrifies women : skunks,
wild-cats, various kinds of snakes, including the rattler,
centipedes, scorpions, tarantulas, while all through the night
the air was filled with the weird, plaintive howl of the
coyote. My mother had never lived outside New York City
and all the others had come from the well-settled regions of
the south and east. This wilderness and its wild life must
have been a harrowing experience for all. At first they
lived in tents, cooking and eating outdoors. Newbrough
built an outdoor oven of adobes in which some of the food
was cooked (they baked bread here) , while boiled food was
cooked in kettles over fires. The men hauled the muddy
river water by buckets and the women boiled this, settling
it as best they could. This was all the drinking and wash
water they had until they could dig a well. Altogether,
life for them during these first months was as rugged and
primitive as anything faced by any American pioneers. To

SHALAM: FACTS VERSUS FICTION 287

add to their discomfort, winter came on fast — winter that
was cold enough to freeze water, and brought snow and
icy winds.

These people worked. Self-preservation, if nothing else,
attended to that. The man who drinks muddy river water
will be in a hurry to dig a well. Lugging water from the
river wasn't pleasant either. Life in a tent through a New
Mexico winter was anything but a pleasant prospect. How-
ever, none of them knew how to build anything. So New-
brough hired Mexicans from Dona Ana (a Mexican settle-
ment of about 300 people which lay about a mile and a half
east of Shalam), and they came over, made adobes, and
working with the colonists, built two two-room houses. Into
these when they were finished went the women and children.
These houses, poor little huts really, were, compared to the
tents, snug and warm and comfortable. Their great draw-
back was that they swarmed with centipedes, and my
mother was terrified that some would fall on me as I lay
sleeping in my crib. All bedding had to be shaken at night
before getting in to bed just in case a centipede might be
lurking within the covers, and in the morning all clothing,
including shoes, had to be examined for the same reason.
Yet despite these hardships, perhaps because of them, that
year seemed to be a happy year. The terrors, privations,
the wind and coyotes howling outside, the eagerness to
hurry and get a comfortable dwelling, drew them together
in spirit as they sat huddled around the blazing fires in
these little huts.

As soon as these were finished, work was begun on the
big, main building which was to house them all — Frater-
num. This was to be an immense house (something like
forty rooms, Spanish Mission style built around a patio)
and Newbrough knew that the unskilled, inexperienced
colonists, regardless of willingness, would never get it done.
Consequently he hired a crew of Mexicans and these to-
gether with the colonists rushed the building as fast as
possible. By 1885 when Rowland first came to Shalam, it
was nearly completed and everyone had moved in.

Andrew M. Rowland came to Shalam from Boston,

288 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Mass., where he had been a successful wool merchant for
years- Originally he came from New Bedford, Mass, and
belonged to the famous Rowland family. He was first
cousin to Hetty Rowland Robinson Green. The Rowlands
had made vast fortunes in the whaling business, and the
Rowland Islands in the Pacific were named after some mem-
ber of this family. The statement that Rowland had been in
the coffee business, made by Miss Keleher, is as unrelated to
fact as her other statements. No member of the Rowland
family had ever been in the coffee business. (She also stated
that Newbrough came from Boston, another erroneous
statement) .

The muckrakers may be dismayed to learn that How-
land never turned over any of his money to Newbrough ! It
is really quite amusing how defamers of Shalam and its
founders have switched sides over the years. When New-
brough was alive, he was the big, black devil with pitchfork
and cloven hoofs — Rowland a vague, shadowy echo. But
after Newbrough died, critics began to change their allegi-
ance. They got off their old, faded hobby-horse, Hating
Newbrough, and climbed on board the bright, shining new
one — Hating Rowland! Now Newbrough had become a
simple prophet and sincere in his efforts to build what he
thought was to be a better state of things, but calamity of
calamities ! This simple good man had died, and a wicked,
scheming rich man had seized Newbrough's dream to build
it into a monument to himself! However, now that both
men are dead, they seem to have gone back to their first love,
Hating Newbrough. This hobby-horse is a bit shop-worn,
but they have brightened it up with a coat of paint, and seem
very happy with it. In case anyone doesn't know, one story
is that Newbrough was the schemer, Rowland, the dupe.
The other story is Newbrough was the victim, Rowland the
schemer. Take your choice. They can't both be right. These
stories circulated by people who never knew either man
and probably never knew anyone who knew either man, are
a bit absurd to me, the daughter of Newbrough, the step-
daughter of Rowland. You see, young though I was, I can
still remember what close good friends these two men were.

SHALAM: FACTS VERSUS FICTION 289

As to either man tricking the other, I think I have laid that
ghost in my "Story of Shalam" (still in manuscript form)
by showing chronologically what was each man's contribu-
tion in building Shalam.

In the old days, people used to send in clippings or
papers containing these vituperative attacks, and believe it
or not, Newbrough, Rowland and my mother used to laugh
over them ! I can still see my father as he used to shake his
head, smile and say — "let them have their fun." Miss Kele-
her's article shows no imagination. I think I qualify as an
expert in making this statement for I have read attacks in
which the imagination of the writer really reached the
stratosphere.

Take the yarn, for example, about the little cellar How-
land had built after Newbrough died. A reporter came up
one day and asked to be shown around. So we showed him
around. He was taken everywhere. He asked questions
about everything. Seeing the little plot enclosed by a white
fence, he asked about that. We told him it was the Shalam
burial ground, that Newbrough himself was buried there.
Well, he wandered around and finally came upon our cellar.
Now Rowland had grown up back east where houses had
cellars in which food was stored, and he liked the idea. So
he had had a small room built of brick, half below ground,
half above. To add a touch of architecture to it, the front
and back walls came up straight and stood above the roof.
The roof was curved, made of cement. I confess it did look
a little like a tomb. The reporter asked what it was, and we
not only told him, but took him down inside to show him how
cool and airy it was. He saw before him bins in which were
such things as potatoes, onions, apples, etc. He said it was
a very nice cellar and that it certainly was a good way to
store such things. Then he went away and wrote the story
of Shalam, and among other things he wrote that Rowland
had built a tomb for Newbrough right behind the kitchen
door and that there Newbrough lay!

The next yarn was even more gruesome. Rowland built
a beautiful stone fountain in the center of our front lawn.
This writer said that Rowland, with malice aforethought,

290 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

had built the ever-spraying fountain above Newbrough's
grave! He assured his readers very solemnly that we had
buried Newbrough right on our front lawn ! There was no
excuse for such prevarications. Every visitor to Shalam
saw the small cemetery and was told that Newbrough was
buried there. I relate these stories to show that even when
people knew the truth, they couldn't resist the temptation
to distort it.

When Rowland arrived in Shalam in 1885, he found
the diet restricted in variety, though what they had was
plentiful. This was partly due to their vegetarianism, and
partly to the condition which prevailed at that date through-
out the Southwest. These were no market gardens. Mex-
icans were poor gardeners and they grew what vegetables
there were. If there were refrigerator cars, they didn't
unload at Las Cruces. So the colonists lived on canned
goods, beans, rice, potatoes, etc. The Mexicans introduced
them to Mexican beans and taught them how to make chile
and they liked these. About the first thing Rowland did was
to buy a carload lot of groceries and because he liked them
and thought the colonists should have them, he added such
things as olives, canned mushrooms, pressed dried fruit,
apples, bananas, etc. etc. Then, although he had never done
a day's work at manual labor, he rolled up his sleeves, sup-
plied himself with cook books, and became cook ! During the
years that he cooked, there were all the way from five to
forty people to be fed.

While Rowland acted as cook, Newbrough busied him-
self with the carpenter work which still needed to be done in
Fraternum. Some of the colonists helped him, others did
nothing but sit around waiting for Rowland's meals. A
change had come over the colony. The driving urge of self-
preservation which had sent them hurrying to build shelter
in which to shield themselves from the freezing blasts of
winter was gone. Each person had a comfortable room, a
wood stove, a comfortable hair mattress (which was in those
days what an inner spring is in these) , good, new bedding,
ample though simple bed room furniture and plenty of good
food if you exclude the fact that, being strict vegetarians,

SHALAM: FACTS VERSUS FICTION 291

there were no milk, cheese, butter, eggs and of course no
meat products. But there was something more than a mere
lack of incentive at work as events which soon transpired
proved. It was now evident that both Newbrough and How-
land had money. Hadn't Newbrough before Rowland had
come upon the scene, bought the land? Bought all materials
for building? Provided food and also for their other needs?
When they had needed outside help, hadn't Newbrough,
hired Mexicans and paid them himself? He had not called
a general meeting and asked for contributions ! Not a soul
had been asked to contribute so much as a dime! At the
very beginning a few had put in small contributions — per-
haps a hundred or two dollars. They could see with their
own eyes such sums hadn't gone far. (Try feeding 30 to 40
people for two years!) And now here was Rowland —
evidently a far richer man than Newbrough. Didn't he
buy food in carload lots?

One statement Miss Keleher made that was correct (I
think it was the only one !) but it was true in a far different
sense than she meant it. She writes: "In its (Shalam's)
development, appeared the personal greed and individual
selfishness which such societies usually encounter but fail
to banish from their organization." (I wonder if she has
seen a single place in the civilized world which has banished
"personal greed and individual selfishness?" She should tell
the world about it if she has, for I am sure everyone would
be interested!)

Quoting Miss Keleher, NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL RE-
VIEW, vol. xix, p. 131 :

The one who precipitated crystalization of
dissent, which had been growing for some time,
however, was none other than Mrs. Sweet, whom
Newbrough had married shortly after she became
a member of the colony. The lady had ambitious
plans, too, other than being the wife of an emis-
sary from on High, and when it began to be noised
around the settlement that she too, had her eye on
the fortune that Rowland had invested in the proj-
ect, the colonists most concerned demanded either
their money back, or clear titles to a fair share of
the rich Mesilla Valley land.

292 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

This is as libelous and untrue a statement as has ever been
made by anyone. Let's take that paragraph step by step.
No one, either man or woman, named Sweet ever came to
Shalam. Why does Miss Keleher call Mrs. Newbrough "Mrs.
Sweet" when she admits she was Newbrough's wife? Then
she says, "the lady had ambitious plans, too." Note that
"too," and further on, ". . . it began to be noised around the
settlement that she too had her eye on the fortune Rowland
had invested." Again that "too." I think Miss Keleher is
saying things unconsciously that she had no intention of
saying for this insignificant "too" can mean only one thing !
Some of the colonists had their eye on Rowland's fortune!
What colonists? Why, the plaintiffs who sued Newbrough
and Rowland to collect $10,000. Why these plaintiffs should
sue for "the fortune Rowland had invested in the project"
she does not make clear except to say vaguely that they
demanded their money "back" or — mind this — "clear titles
to a fair share of the rich Mesilla Valley land." (I have
already explained that this " 'rich' Mesilla Valley land" was
at that time worthless.) As Rowland did not come to
Shalam until 1885 and this suit was filed in 1886, he had not
yet invested a "fortune" in Shalam ! All he had invested at
the time of the suit, they already had ! In their stomachs !

As Miss Keleher tacitly admits, it was Rowland's for-
tune they had their eyes on, and as no part of this fortune
had been invested in Shalam at this time, this suit has all
the earmarks of hijacking. In her next paragraph we are
told that they sued Rowland and Newbrough for $10,000.
At this time the land and improvements were not worth
$5000. Here is what the property consisted of at the time of
the suit : 1200 acres of arid land separated from the nearest
(about a mile) ditch by railroad tracks, an unplastered
adobe building containing approximately forty rooms (that
couldn't have been used by anyone except the colonists) , a
one-room adobe building used as a temple, three small adobe
two-room houses, a small shed for the four horses (no other
livestock), one shallow well with hand-pump, no improved
.land — not so much as a carrot growing! Miss Keleher calls
the $10,000 "their (the plaintiffs') fair share." I don't

SHALAM: FACTS VERSUS FICTION 293

know and therefore wouldn't say, how many of the colonists
were plaintiffs in this suit. I am sure not more than half a
dozen, perhaps not that many. Miss Keleher mentions only
one. I also don't know how many colonists were there at
this time. There might have been fifteen or twenty, or there
might have been thirty. Let's be fair and say there were
only fifteen. I am sure there were that many. Grant there
were six plaintiffs, and again I am sure there were no more
than that. Now if Newbrough and Rowland had had to
pay six of them $10,000 "as a fair share", what would they
have had to pay the other nine? Don't bother to figure it.
It would have been all the traffic would bear. The New
Mexico Supreme Court denied their ciaim and declared:
"The evidence in support of the Plaintiff's demand is as
startling as the declaration is unique." (6 N.M. Supreme
Court Reports — 1896 — p. 182.)

Miss Keleher obviously didn't mean that the plaintiffs
in this amazing suit were the ones guilty of "personal greed
and individual selfishness" for she tells us that those "sin-
cerely caught in the fog of religious fanaticism" were "dis-
illusioned" by this decision of the court, and left Shalam.
I fail to see how any sincere person would be "disillusioned"
because someone tried and failed to get $10,000 out of a
property that by the wildest stretch of imagination was
not worth $5000. It is hard to follow Miss Keleher for she
has tacitly admitted in the former paragraph that what they
really had their eye on was Rowland's fortune !

Newbrough and Rowland reacted to this suit as any
men would have. They had been there, knew what had gone
on. They knew that for a good year few had done any
work, that instead (while Newbrough was doing carpenter
work finishing Fraternum and Rowland was cooking for
them, as well as buying all food for them) they had milled
around, gossiping not only about the leaders, but about each
other, and this suit brought everything to a climax. Those
involved had already left Shalam, their sympathizers could
hardly stay. Newbrough called the remaining ones together
and gave his ultimatum. He and his wife were soon going to
New Orleans, he told them, to gather as many infants as

294 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

possible. In due time they would return, bringing these
babes. All who wanted to stay and help with these babies
would be welcome. Those unwilling to help must move on.
Now. All of them left, all except the leaders and a man
named Grill. So we see it was not "disillusionment" which
caused the exodus. It was a plain case of — work or get out !

Newbrough and Rowland now determined that never
again would they leave themselves open to another such
attack. The land, buildings and all to be built or placed
thereon, were deeded to "The Children of Shalam." How-
land was made trustee. Each man kept his own money and
outside investments in his own name. They agreed that
hereafter every person who worked in Shalam was to be
paid at the prevailing wage rate for his labor. As those who
came were in every case unskilled, and the pay at that time
for this was $1.00 per day, they were to be paid this, if and
when they worked. In addition they were to receive room,
board, heat in room, washing and ironing. Women were
to be paid the same as men. Newbrough and Howland had
to take these steps to protect themselves, the colony and the
children they planned to get, from any future attempts at
hijacking. Whether this was why some colonists later
bitterly resented the wage provisions, I can't say. They
charged that Newbrough and Howland had changed the
colony into a private business venture. Maybe this was true,
but if the founders had been hijacked into paying some
designing or disgruntled colonists thousands of dollars,
these critics would not have been liable for one dime of it!

The real fault in the way Newbrough and Howland
managed the colony was that they were not business-like.
They were too easy-going. Working was on a purely volun-
tary basis! We all know that in any group in the world,
there are always some who shirk and a few who do every-
thing. Shalam was no exception. If Newbrough and How-
land had done as any man does who owns a store or factory
— interview the applicant, outline the work, state the wages,
and if he accepts, assign him to his special task and put him
to work, I am convinced that few, perhaps none, of the
scandals and falsehoods that have been circulated for years

SHALAM: FACTS VERSUS FICTION 295

would have been told. Outsiders who came there, and were
hired on this basis, liked and respected all of the leaders.
None of them, to my knowledge, went away to spread
malicious, false tales about them. I can say this: except
for yellow journal reporters, all of the tales about Shalam
related to certain colonists. And, in a way, this was New-
brough's and Rowland's fault. They left work to the colo-
nist's own conscience. They never pointed to a task and
said, "go, do that," or "come and help here." Result? The
colonists loafed around for a year or so, had a nice warm
room, which cost them nothing, were assured regular meals,
also gratis. Then when Newbrough or Rowland thought
that they had had ample time to prove themselves, and had
failed to qualify, they would point out to them that they
hadn't so far helped with the work, and unless they would
help from now on, they would have to ask them to leave.
Possibly "hell hath no fury like a woman scorned", but the
wrath of the moucher pried loose from "bed and board" can
come awfully close! What convinces me I am right in
believing that the hate, venom, lies directed at these found-
ers came originally from people frustrated in their attempt
to live without working is that the two periods when there
were no colonists are the only ones devoid of malicious tales.
Take the Keleher article for example. The malicious venom
of this article, the law suit, relate specifically to the period
in Shalam dating 1884-86. She even mentions the names of
people there during this time, and fails to mention the
names of people there in any other period ! When she tries
to tell about Shalam at a later date, she becomes utterly
preposterous ! Take this sentence for a sample. It is really
one of the most amazing things I ever read :

By 1900, however, Newbrough began to show
signs of hurdling such bulwarks against authori-
tarian power, and his ambitious plans for install-
ing himself as the eventual owner and ruler of a
1400 acre kingdom on the Rio Grande became ap-
parent to such colonists as Bowman and Tanner
who had put money into the common fund. (p.
131, N.M.H.R., April 1944)

296 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

One of the things which makes this such an astonishing
statement is the fact that John B. Newbrough died April
22, 1891 ! Add to this the fact that Bowman and Tanner
left Shalam in 1886, — that Bowman was one of the sympa-
thizers, if not plaintiffs in the $10,000 suit, which the plain-
tiffs had long since lost, and we see that this sentence really
gains momentum as it hurls itself into the depths of asinin-
ity! 1900 was the year that Rowland's money was gone,
and the colony disbanded !

I can't resist adding an aside here regarding "money"
that Tanner and Bowman had put "into the common fund."
Bowman had a large family of children (which had been
supported in Shalam for two years) and when he came to
the gathering place in New York, he was so broke, his
children so poorly clad, that Newbrough had given my
mother some money to go and buy a new outfit of clothing
for each child ! Tanner was a nice old man whom everybody
loved. But when he came to Shalam, he had long since
spent his last dime. He had been a country doctor when he
undertook his famous fast, and while this brought him
nation-wide attention, it reacted badly on his practice.
People began to regard him as an infidel and to consider
that his forty-day fast was blasphemous. His former pa-
tients shunned him, and he had been penniless a long time
when he came to Shalam.

Five years after its inception The Land of Shalam
was apparently prospering as an agrarian one.
Two hundred acres of the nine hundred original
ones were under cultivation, and five hundred
additional acres had been acquired through dona-
tions and contributions by applicants. Newbrough
was an amazing combination of the fanatic and the
realist. That he was 'no idle dreamer of an idle
lay' is attested to by the fact that in order to pro-
vide irrigation independently of ditches, he ac-
quired two steam engines, one six horse-power,
and one fifty horse-power, which raised from the
Rio Grande about one million gallons of water an
hour. The subsequent construction of the Elephant
Butte Dam in Sierra County at a cost of seven
million dollars, is ample proof that the Bostonian

SHALAM: FACTS VERSUS FICTION 297

was a man of judgment, visualizing the possibili-
ties of irrigation in a desert country, (ibid.,
p. 128)

Practically every assertion in this paragraph is false.
During that first two years they were in Shalam, New-
brough did get a small engine (I suppose that was the six
horse-power engine mentioned) and thought he could pump
water out of the river. Anyone who knows the Rio Grande
as it flows through the Mesilla Valley, knows that the soil
along its banks is sandy, — quick-sand when wet. The little
engine Newbrough got promptly sank into this quick-sand
and was lost — that is, was of no further use. And that
ended all attempts to pump water directly from the Rio
Grande. Any engineer would know that Miss Keleher's
assertion that "a million gallons of water" an hour was
raised thus from the Rio Grande would have been an impos-
sible feat. He would also know that no two little engines,
one 6 h.p., one 50 h.p., could pump a million gallons an hour.
Any old-timer would know that except at flood-time, there
were not a million gallons of water in the Rio Grande all
told ! Months of the year it was bone-dry !

In this paragraph, Miss Keleher persists in her asser-
tion that the original tract consisted of 900 acres and states
that 500 acres were added through "donations" of appli-
cants. Thus she claims 1400 acres for Shalam. All of this
is false. As stated, and I repeat, the original tract consisted
of 1200 acres, and Newbrough bought every acre of it with
his own money. NO LAND WAS EVER DONATED TO
SHALAM. Subsequently, the river on one of its rampages
took away hundreds of acres, as well as through these years
there was natural erosion so that when Shalam was sold
in 1907 it had but 900 acres. It would seem that somehow
Miss Keleher got hold of the figure of 900 acres, and not
knowing one thing about Shalam, its history or its founders,
got all mixed and transferred the 900 acres to the beginning
of Shalam when really the 900 acres belong to the end of
the story! In this paragraph she begins by stating that
"five years after its inception The Land of Shalam was
apparently prospering as an agrarian one", and says two

298 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

hundred acres were in cultivation. She is somewhat ambig-
uous here for after saying two hundred acres were in culti-
vation, in the same sentence she goes on to say "and five
hundred additional acres had been acquired", etc. A care-
less reader might easily think that there were seven hundred
acres in cultivation. It really does not matter for "five years
after its inception", or 1889, not an acre was in cultivation !
They didn't even have a little kitchen garden. Except for
where the few houses stood, no land had been cleared!
Later on, I will give a list of the improvements that had
been made up to Newbrough's death in 1891. It was How-
land, not Newbrough, who had the land cleared, the irriga-
tion system put in and the large fields of alfalfa, orchards
and vineyards put in. All this was done during the 1890s
after Newbrough's death.

Following this paragraph of misinformation and wild
statements, she begins the next with "Andrew Rowland's
dreams for orphans materialized." It was Newbrough who
conceived the idea of founding the colony, it was his dream
to gather homeless infants, and when Howland came to
Shalam a year after it began, he joined whole-heartedly in
all the plans laid down in Oahspe for this colony — which
first, last and foremost was for the children. Shalam was
never, nor was it ever intended to be, a co-operative colony.
It was never intended to be a colony-refuge for adults. On
page 133, speaking of Howland after the colony had come to
an end, Miss Keleher says that Howland saw "the people
whom he had sincerely wanted to help, shadows of his
dreams." Rhetorical and sophomoric ! But quite inaccurate.
Of course, Howland had "sincerely" wanted to help people,
he had helped practically everyone who had come to Shalam,
and there was no one who kept him from these "sincere"
efforts, or from being sincere. I can assure Miss Keleher
that many of the adults he helped were much more like
nightmares than shadowy dreams to him ! I can assure any
and all that the maudlin sympathy, the crocodile tears shed
over Andrew M. Howland for his magnificent contribution
to Shalam, and the orphans he raised, are wasted and com-
pletely inappropriate.

SHALAM: PACTS VERSUS FICTION 299

In another paragraph, p. 133, Miss Keleher has New-
brough discouraged, making his exit from Shalam and
dying in El Paso. She leaves this interesting bit of misin-
formation dateless. Here are the facts of Newbrough' s last
year of life. Time and place, 1890, Shalam. He and How-
land had decided to build the brick house for the children,
— babies they were at the time. Together Newbrough and
his wife, my mother, had brought thirteen babies from New
Orleans during 1888-9. They had converted the library in
Fraternum into a nursery, but it was totally unsuited for
this as it was at the opposite end of the long building from
the kitchen, and except for the kitchen sink, Fraternum, at
this time, had no plumbing. The new house was to be con-
structed so as to make the care of the babies as easy as
possible, and it was to have plumbing. Instead of being
"discouraged", Newbrough had perhaps never been happier
in his life. The brick house was his dream house — a house
built just especially for babes and children. Besides this,
he and Rowland had completed the proof-reading of Oahspe,
and Rowland was to go to Boston to get out the second
edition. In the spring of 1891, Newbrough planned to make
a trip throughout the east to lecture in the hopes that now
at last with all these children, he would find the right kind of
people who would come and help with the work of raising
them — which was what Shalam was for! In the late sum-
mer of 1890, Newbrough, my mother and all the babies
moved into the brick house. Rowland went to Boston to get
out the second edition of Ouhspe, and this left two men —
colonists in Fraternum. They did not work — never had, but
one of them had been loyal to Newbrough throughout the
trouble that first crowd had made, so Newbrough let him
stay. We were, for the time being, free of all impedimenta
in human form. We had a mechanic and his wife, who lived
on the place. He ran the engine which supplied the brick
house with water. My mother had one Mexican woman to
help with the babies. That's all there were of us at this
time and through that April of 1891. That winter a flu
epidemic (they called it "la grippe" then) struck the eastern
coast of the United States and swept across the entire

300 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

country. It was a very virulent type of flu. It struck Shalam
in April. Newbrough felt ill first, but the next day while he
was still up and around, all of us — every one of the chil-
dren, then about three and four years old, my mother and I
became sick. We never knew how sick the children were for
my mother and I became delirious at once, and by the time
she was recovered enough to know, Newbrough was too
sick to tell. There he was — ten small children (three had
previously died) all sick, I, his seven year old, and his wife.
John Tesson came to see Newbrough about something and
discovered our plight. He and his wife promptly got New-
brough to bed, sent for the doctor and a practical nurse,
and then they came in and took over. What angels of mercy
those two people were! All of us got better — all except
Newbrough. The work of nursing twelve very sick patients
when he himself was so sick had been too much. Pneumonia
set in. On April 22, 1891, John Newbrough died. Rowland
came on from Boston, and in the room in Fraternum we
called our parlor, he read the Faithist burial services for his
friend. The Masons in Las Cruces had asked permission to
conduct Masonic rites which they did following the Faithist
services, both in the parlor and at the grave. Newbrough
was buried in Shalam, the place he loved so much. When
we sold Shalam in 1907, I myself had his remains moved to
the Masonic cemetery in Las Cruces.

In the second to last paragraph on page 133 of this
article, Keleher says : "Howland, always a follower, never
a leader, saw the buildings which his money had made
possible fall into ruin . . ." Howland never saw the buildings
in Shalam fall into ruins! He did see much of Levitica
washed away by a river flood, but as long as we lived in
Shalam, and when we sold and left, every house in Shalam
was in perfect repair. The people we sold to put in share-
croppers, Mexicans, and I don't know how many kinds of
people in those buildings, and they did wreck the place.
Howland never went back. He never saw the wreck.

I note this in the foregoing paragraph : "the buildings
his money had made possible." She should know ! However
she is hard to follow because in the second paragraph above

SHALAM: FACTS VERSUS FICTION 301

this statement, she tells us how the colonists felt when the
court ruled that Ellis should not get $10,000 "as his fair
share." She said : "the decision handed down by this court
disillusioned those sincerely caught up in a fog of religious
fanaticism, or those who were interested in tracing a new
pattern of social and economic life." And on page 131 she
tells us that Bowman and Tanner had "put money into the
common fund." It would almost seem that Miss Keleher was
a mental contortionist ! As to Rowland "always a follower,
never a leader," if we look at results, I think we shall see
that Miss Keleher was just about as wrong in that state-
ment as she was in all of her other statements.

Before we look at the record, I want to quote a quota-
tion Miss Keleher used from George Baker Anderson, who
wrote: "Andrew M. Rowland, the chief sufferer through
the duplicity of Newbrough, and his wife still reside upon
the property . . ." (p. 133, ibid.)

Let's keep these things in mind, — "always a follower,
never a leader," that Rowland was the "chief sufferer" and
also about Newbrough's duplicity. We've got that lovely old
hobby-horse all decked out in a new coat of paint, and we
must never lose it. We have reached Shalam in April 1891.
Newbrough is dead, so let's see just how Rowland had been
"a sufferer" through the "duplicity" of Newbrough. How-
land had lived in Shalam six years. He had built the brick
house for the children and their caretakers (and he lived in
this house himself for years) , he had put in cesspools and
built a brick studio for Newbrough. Total cost about
$20,000. He had helped to feed better than a hundred
indigent colonists, and he had cooked for about three years.
It was a splendid contribution, and I am not belittling it, but
when we consider what he did in the next nine years, we
can see "this chief sufferer" of Newbrough's "duplicity" —
this man who was "always a follower, never a leader" was
not at all as he has been painted — a duped follower, but had
a mind of his own, and the will to build as he saw fit.

While Newbrough was alive, Rowland did not spend
over $20,000 with possibly a couple of thousand for food,
etc. After Newbrough died, that is, after April 22, 1891,

302 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

and up to 1900, Rowland spent somewhere between $300,-
000, and $350,000 in building Shalam! Seeing that New-
brough was dead, we can hardly say that it was his duplicity
which caused Rowland to spend this!

Here's what Shalam had that April when Newbrough
died : Fraternum, the brick house, a shop (in which was the
engine to pump water for household) studio, three original
houses, now improved, one adobe building used for temple,
a small shed for four horses (no other livestock), one
wagon. Not one acre in cultivation. We didn't even have
the tiniest vegetable garden for two good reasons, — the
many small babies took most of the time and effort, and we
had no water supply other than just enough to give us
household water. None of this stood in Newbrough's name.
When Shalam ended in 1900 because all of Rowland's money
was gone, the entire property, including all that Newbrough
had put in it (he bought the land, you remember) reverted
to Rowland. No one ever questioned the Tightness of this.
Not even the gossips !

When Newbrough died, Shalam was reached by a
winding wagon road that led through dense tornilla, mes-
quite, over and around sandhills. After Rowland cleared
this land, the road was a broad, straight lane edged on either
side with fruit trees. There was a dense growth of one kind
or another even on the sandhills. Rowland cleared the
entire tract except a deep edging along the river. He kept
this and we got our firewood from here as long as we lived
in Shalam. Having cleared the land, he tore down the
immense sandhills and made hundreds of acres as level as a
living room floor. Perhaps some may wonder, or have won-
dered, how Rowland spent so much on Shalam. Right here
is part of the answer. Clear five acres of tornilla, mesquite
and level down some sandhills, and it will give you reason to
understand. Also in the 1890s, there were none of the
modern farm implements which replace man-power and do
in one hour what it would take a man days to do. Shalam
was cleared by Mexicans with scrapers, plows, axes, shovels
and hoes. Then Rowland put in orchards: pears, apples,
peaches, apricots, plums and prunes. 30 acres were planted

SHALAM: FACTS VERSUS FICTION 303

to vineyards — every kind of grape grown in California. Our
own house vegetable garden and a truck garden were
planted. Rowland said that the irrigation system alone cost
him $30,000. It was probably the largest and best privately
installed irrigation system ever put in by anyone. In
addition to all this, there were the dairy and chicken plants.
The dairy was stocked with registered Guernsey stock from
Gov. Morton's farm in New York, and Hoard's Dairy in
Wisconsin. The chicken plant had a thousand hens — all
pure-bred. When you picture all these things, and then
look over what Shalam was when Newbrough died in 1891,
you wonder where anybody got the nerve to say Rowland
was "always the follower, never the leader", or that he was
the "chief sufferer" of anybody's duplicity, or, considering
that Newbrough had been dead while all this was taking
place, it is a little hard to see how Newbrough was to
blame — if blame there was. Besides all this, there was
Levitica, built by Rowland, later destroyed by flood.

Miss Keleher quotes from the Evening Citizen, July 18,
1890. It is impossible for me to believe that she has given
the date of this quotation correctly for the improvements
listed were not in existence in 1890. They were put in and
added beginning in the summer of 1891, after Newbrough's
death, and were not in the complete state as they appear in
this list until after 1894-97. (See Keleher's article, p. 130.)
What is spoken of as "Rowland's residence" was not his
personal residence (he never had one in Shalam), as the
article infers, it was Fraternum, the building which housed
us all at various times, and where always the colonists
lived — except the few who lived in Levitica. The dairy
mentioned was not put in until 1897.

On page 129, Miss Keleher describes the little country
store Rowland had built in this grandiose language:

One of the most significant accomplishments
of these two commonwealth builders, from the
viewpoint of those interested in the historical
structure of Utopias, was the erection of a coop-
erative store with its various compartments sepa-
rated by glass partitions. A department store in
Mesilla Valley in this period must have been

304 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

enough to make even the most lukewarm crackpots
join up with the Faithists just for the opportu-
nity of buying a package of Arbuckle's coffee.

Let's get our historical structure of Utopia straight first
of all by saying that the store wasn't put in until two or
three years after Newbrough's death, so it could not have
been "a significant accomplishment of these two common-
wealth builders." Secondly, it was not a cooperative store.
Shalam was not a cooperative venture. Next, all the stores
in Las Cruces were better and bigger than the little, unpre-
tentious country store Rowland ran for the benefit of the
Mexican day laborers who worked in Shalam. He put the
store in because when he was clearing the land, putting it in
cultivation, building the irrigation system, etc., he was
employing from 100 to 150 Mexican men six days per week.
There were two store-keepers in Dona Ana (where all the
Mexicans came from) , and these men, seeing this fine pay
roll where before there had been none, put on their own
private inflation scheme. It ended with the Mexicans paying
these store-keepers all their wages for the bare necessities
of life, and even going in debt for these. Rowland felt it
was an outrage, so he built a one-room store with ware-
house. He hired one clerk. Saturday afternoons, my mother
and one of the children's teachers helped out. This store was
a sort of Lum and Abner country store carrying calico,
gingham, muslin, thread, overalls, shirts, work shoes, etc.
and groceries. Goods were sold on a cost basis. Cost of
goods, freight, clerk hire. Howland never considered it any
part of the Shalam plan. It was put in to save the Mexicans
who worked there from being exploited as they had been.
In order to keep anyone except employees from buying
there, Howland sold his men coupon books, and only these
coupons were good for trade at the store.

In this paragraph quoted, we find Miss Keleher calling
the colonists "crackpots", yet in another page or two we
find her shedding crocodile tears when people she has
already branded as "crackpots" fail to collect $10,000 as
their share of buildings which in another place she says
Rowland's money built ! What interests me is : why should

SHALAM: FACTS VERSUS FICTION 305

the colonists want to buy — even surrounded by elegance ! —
Arbuckle's coffee when they had all the Chase and San-
born's coffee they wanted served them free and already
made in the colony?

During- the nine years (1891-1900) that Andrew How-
land was building Shalam, people continued to drift in and
out of Shalam just about as they had during Newbrough's
lifetime. Immediately following Newbrough's death, there
had been a big influx of people. Rowland pursued the same
course he and Newbrough had agreed upon : if they would
work, he paid them and put them to work. When they
proved by continued idleness that they were only seeking a
way to live without working, he got rid of them. From the
arrival of the babies in 1887 until 1900, I think I am fair in
saying that not more than eight people came who were
willing to and did work. Besides these, there were several
men, superior to the average ones who came, scholarly,
intelligent men of some means who, when they found they
were unfitted for the work that was to be done ; — day labor,
gardening, care of infants and children, left, not in a surly,
disgruntled way, but in a friendly, cordial, gracious way.

I have answered only a few of the misstatements made
by Miss Keleher. Her entire article is malicious slander
and a complete distortion of fact. Nowhere in the article,
however, does she sink quite so low as when with cheap
would-be wit and sly innuendo she attempts to portray my
mother to whom she gives the fictitious name of "Mrs.
Sweet". (Perhaps she had a libel suit in mind.) My
mother was twenty when she married my father, Dr. New-
brough. She was born, brought up in, and had never been
outside of, New York City and immediate areas. She had
been a kindergarten teacher. She never saw California until
1894 when, after she was married to my step-father,
Andrew Howland, she made a short visit to relatives. She
never knew, much less was married to the head of some
California cult. This man, mentioned by Miss Keleher in
her article, is a purely fictitious character.

To give a proper understanding of my mother and her
immense contribution to Shalam, I must be personal. When

306 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

I was born, she had Bright' s Disease. We both nearly died.
The complications which followed left her with a bad heart
condition which lasted until I was two. Besides this, it left
her with a dropsical condition of the feet and legs. Until
I was nine years old, every afternoon one foot was so
swollen that she had to wear on that foot a shoe that was
two sizes larger than the other shoe. She was 5:4 tall,
weighed about 115 pounds until 1900 after which she put
on weight. Despite these physical handicaps, when I was
three years old, she went to New Orleans with my father,
Dr. Newbrough, and they gathered together ten babies,
most of them new born. The house they lived in was a
large two-story frame — real Southern style house. For help
in caring for ten babies and one three year old (myself),
she had one colored maid and my father. Being of Holland
Dutch descent, she could not stand one speck of dirt and the
house and babies were kept immaculate. Besides this, she
sewed; made clothes for the babies, hemmed diapers, etc.
When one considers that one baby takes three dozen diapers,
it does not take imagination to see that between sewing,
taking care of babies, housework, my mother worked hard.
As any mother knows, baby work isn't something you do for
eight hours and then go and rest. It is a twenty-four hour
job. My mother took care of babies and small children from
1887 until 1900. After a year in New Orleans, yellow fever
broke out and Newbrough sent us all back to Shalam. My
mother made the trip alone with us. Arriving in Shalam,
she converted the library in Fraternum into a nursery as it
was the only room large enough. The distance from the
library to the kitchen, at opposite ends of the building from
each other, would probably have measured a short city block
— about twenty-two rooms between. There was no plumb-
ing in Shalam at this time. All baby feedings had to be
prepared in the kitchen and carried from there to the
nursery. All bath-water for bathing the infants had to be
lugged in pails the same distance. Each baby nevertheless
received its daily bath. My mother with the aid of one
Mexican woman brought all these feedings, hauled all this
bath water from end to end of this long building — for two

SHALAM: FACTS VERSUS FICTION 307

and a half years! And while she hauled water, bent over
and bathed ten babies, lifted and carried them, kept them
clean and dry, the colony women who were enjoying free
room and board, played games, rested, read, loafed and — of
course, gossiped. Two women did come who worked shoul-
der to shoulder with my mother. Each stayed about one
year. They left because they were discouraged with the
colony loafers.

Newbrough brought three more babies on from New
Orleans when he came. That summer cholera infantum
broke out, many were sick. Three died. After Newbrough
died, Rowland went to Kansas City and got nine more
babies, and the next year my mother went to Chicago and
got six two-year olds. All of these children were in Shalam
by 1897, and remained until 1900. During this time my
mother had two women to help her take care of all these
babies and small children. When in 1899, the money was
running low and they had to let the children's teacher go,
my mother became teacher. In addition to all this, she took
over the chicken plant with the help of one Mexican youth.
As we know, both babies and chickens get you up by five, so
for all these years, my mother began her day at this hour,
worked all day and was never certain of an unbroken night's
rest. In fact, through the years, she did all the night work
for the babies. She built fires. She brought in wood. She
lugged out ashes. She cooked, invented vegetarian dishes,
hemmed sheets, table cloths, napkins, made and mended
clothes, darned stockings, took care of the sick, played
games and read to us children, canned and preserved fruit,
made jams, jellies, chow-chow and the like. I might sum up
her work by saying she was the mother of a big family.
Howland tried to get all the help he could, but such a big
place, so many children, so much to do meant a lot of heavy,
hard work for her. She was glad and eager to do it. I can
never remember seeing her sit idle. Even after we had
left Shalam and she had grown old, when she visited with
anyone, she would sit and knit or crochet. As we grew
older in Shalam, evenings she and Howland would play

308 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

games with us, or my mother would read aloud, or we would
read or talk and she would mend.

It was the Christmases she gave us children which were
the big event in Shalam. (How strangely silent the scandal-
mongers and gossips have been about these!) A pine tree
from the mountains across the river, so tall it reached the
ceiling, was put in the brick house dining room. Then for
some three weeks we were barred from this room. Every
spare moment my mother could steal from her duties, she
would shut herself in here. Every evening, often till twelve
o'clock, she worked here. If there were "made" tree decora-
tions then, we didn't have them. She made them. They
were simple, perhaps crude, but we thought them beautiful.
With the decorations went candles — dozens of them all over
the tree. And popcorn. She used to pop quantities, string
it and hang it in festoons over the tree. Besides making
the decorations and fixing them on the tree, there were
dolls' clothes to be made, little sheets for dolls' beds — lots
and lots of work, but how she loved it ! When the great day
arrived, she and Rowland would open the big double doors,
and we saw what seemed to us a real fairyland! It was
practically a toyshop. Wagons, tricycles, hobby-horses,
shoe-flies for tiny tots, drums, balls, horns, dolls and their
furniture — nothing was lacking, and each child was bounti-
fully supplied with presents and toys. We would scatter and
play with our new toys — play there inside the "big room"
(30 by 90 feet) for it was cold outside, and such a bedlam
of noise we made. She and Rowland would sit there side by
side, and beam and beam on us.

Success did not come to them in the way they wanted
it, but people who had memories like this; who had lived
unselfishly for little children ; who raised one boy to become
a fine man and three girls to become fine, splendid women
— besides all those they had brought from babyhood to be
ten and twelve years old; who watched and saw what fine
people these children grew to be; who were loved by these
children as though own parents — can never be called
failures.

Perhaps the best part is that their work goes on after

SHALAM: FACTS VERSUS FICTION 309

them. The boy they raised to manhood fought for his
country in the last war. My mother worked hard to save
his life when he was a baby ! Today all the sons of all the
girls they raised are serving their country in many parts of
the world. There is not a slacker or a conscientious objector
among them ! One is a major, another has the Purple Heart,
one is a lieutenant in the air corps, one a lieutenant in the
navy. One has had the job of flying above our ground troops
and strafing the Germans in front of them. Undoubtedly it
helped to save the lives of many American boys. The navy
lieutenant for months patrolled our Atlantic shores for
submarines, and later helped land our troops in Normandy
on D day. There they are, these fine boys! Infantry, air
corps, navy, all over the world, serving Uncle Sam. New-
brough's and my mother's blood is there, too, for one of my
sons is in the air corps and the other is a paratrooper.

When it is remembered that the aim of Shalam was to
take homeless babies, give them a home, a father's and
mother's love and care, to raise them to be upright citizens,
it seems to me that no one can say that Shalam was a
failure. It seems to me that no one can say that such
unselfish, noble people whose whole lives were dedicated to
caring for little children, were failures.

The people who worked for them, the people of Las
Cruces who knew them, loved, admired and respected them.
All three of them were held in the highest esteem by those
who really knew them. It was only strangers and dis-
gruntled colonists who criticized them.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL
By LILLIE G. McKlNNEY

(Concluded)

CHAPTER VI

FRUITION OF THE PERRY ADMINISTRATION (1922-1933)

IN 1922 the much needed sewerage system was constructed
costing $1500.1 It connected with the city system on
Twelfth Street, was shorter, and had a greater fall than
the old sewer. An addition was built to the shops building
to provide space for a farm laboratory and an auto-
mechanics shop. A silo of 120 tons capacity was constructed
of tile.2 Mr. Perry was not satisfied with this much accom-
plished and recommended for the next fiscal year a central
heating plant and two djrmitories in order to care for 800
or 1000 pupils.8

Principal Fred M. Lobdell was transferred in 1922 to
Haskell Institute. This was a fortunate transfer 4 since the
person best fitted for this position, Mrs. Harrington, was
promoted to the vacancy. This new position made it possible
for her to carry out many practical plans already formu-
lated by her as a class-room teacher.5

Mr. Perry felt that visits from the following admin-
istrative officers during the fiscal year, 1921-22, would result
in great benefit to the institution : Charles H. Burke, com-
missioner of Indian affairs; H. B. Peairs, chief supervisor
of education; L. A. Dorrington, inspector; John W. At-
water, inspector; Fred C. Morgan, special supervisor; Wil-
liam A. Marschalk, chief of land division; Dr. R. E.
Newberne, chief medical supervisor; and Mr. Vincent Mc-

1. Narrative Report, p. 7, (1922).

2. Ibid.

3. Ibid.

4. Personal interview with Mr. Reuben Perry, June 4, 1934.

5. See Appendix No. 2.

310

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 311

Mullen, private secretary to the commissioner of Indian
affairs.6

Mr. Perry's disappointment over the burning of the
auditorium was offset by the erection of a new structure in
1923. "Dedication of the fine new auditorium was the prin-
cipal event at the Albuquerque school last month. Mr.
Towers, Commissioner Burke's private secretary, was one
of the speakers." 7 It was a fine brick structure, larger and
better planned than the one destroyed by fire, costing
$42,500 ; but since the concrete work, carpentry, plumbing,
heating, and painting were done by the school boys as well
as delivering all of the materials for the building, the struc-
ture was conservatively valued at $100,000. Curtains cost-
ing $2,000 and opera chairs (950) costing $3,800 were paid
for out of the appropriation.8 A cement paint house
(twenty feet by forty feet) was erected by pupil labor and
cost $474.40, and a two-story brick bathhouse (twenty-four
by sixty feet) was connected with the girls dormitory
for $908.52.9

There were thirty-one graduates from the tenth grade
in 1923.10 A large number of these graduates planned to
enter Haskell Institute and enroll for a two years business
course, or in those courses offering preparatory work for
teachers, or completion of high school.11 The idea of higher
education and of better training in industrial work had
spread among the graduates to such an extent that they
were anxious to continue in school.

The school was crowded at the beginning of the fiscal
year, 1923-1924, for the enrollment had reached 654 ; 12 but
by the middle of the year, two sleeping porches were erected
(one to the girls' building, the other to the boys' building)
with forty rooms.13 By spring a second addition was made
to the girls' sleeping porch. This furnished quarters for

6. Narrative Report, p. 13, (1922).

7. Indian Leader, XXVII, No. 8, p. 3, November 16, 1923.

8. Narrative Report, p. 6, (1923).

9. Ibid.

10. Ibid., p. 10. Unable to find names of graduates.

11. Personal interview with Mrs. Isis L. Harrington, May 14, 1934.

12. Narrative Report, p. 2, (1924).

13. Ibid., p. 5.

312 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

ninety-five more girls and provided sixteen additional study
rooms at a cost of $12,022.08, also, four double-sized class-
rooms were added to the school building. This brought the
capacity to 750.14 The school plant at this time consisted of
forty-four good buildings, and was inspected by Hubert H.
Work, secretary of the interior, Charles H. Burke, commis-
sioner of Indian affairs, and Dr. McMullen, public health
service.15

In 1924, forty-three graduated from the tenth grade.16
The class presented a dramatization of Hiawatha written
by Mrs. Harrington to an audience of about 1000 people
from the city of Albuquerque.17 This class (about one-half
the number) continued either their literary or industrial
training.18

The graduating class of 1924 under the direction of
Mrs. Harrington organized thirteen library societies in the
pueblos and on the reservations. They were ably assisted by
Margaret Mosely Williams who helped in gathering to-
gether between 500 and 600 volumes. Harold Bell Wright
sent a set of the Appleton Encyclopedia and a copy of each
of his books. The graduates arranged for these books to be
placed in convenient homes (not connected with the gov-
ernment school in any way) . This class hoped to make these
libraries the actual beginning of municipal libraries run by
themselves. About three of these libraries persisted. One is
now in the home of Frank Catron,19 a Navaho, at Tohatchi ;
and Indians of that community are encouraged to read in
his home. Another is in the home of a graduate at San
Felipe, and a third is at Isleta.20 Even though only three of
the thirteen societies continued to function the results were
worth the effort since many ex-students made use of the
books and since community projects were really begun

14. Ibid.

15. Ibid., p. 9.

16. Ibid. Of the graduates there were ten Navahos, two Zuiiis, two Apaches,
and twenty-nine Pueblos.

17. See appendix p. 132 of typed thesis ; also, Narrative Report, p. 10, 1920.

18. Personal interview with Mrs. Isis Harrington, May 14, 1934.

19. Frank Catron built for himself a three-room house with library case on one
wall to hold the books.

20. Personal interview with Mrs. Isis L. Harrington, May 17, 1934.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 313

(even if only library societies) that helped to bring those
living in the community closer together.

A private library was established in the home of Mr.
Porfirio Montoya, lieutenant governor at Santa Ana. For
two years he borrowed books from the school, and each time
returned 21 them faithfully. Finally, Mrs. Harrington per-
suaded friends to help him acquire his own library.22

Three important features were added to the school dur-
ing the fiscal year, 1924-1925. First, a trachoma clinic was
held in November by a special physician, J. S. Perkins, and
the various operations sponsored by Doctor L. Webster Fox
of Philadelphia.23 Second, Supervisor Edna Groves reor-
ganized the home economics department, and placed two
graduates of Stout Institute in the department.24 And,
third, the commissioner of Indian affairs authorized the
addition of the eleventh and twelfth grades, making a full
four-year high school course.25

Mr. Perry and Mrs. Harrington were anxious to put
into the school, under native teachers, weaving for Navaho
girls and pottery making for Pueblo girls, a desire that came
from a study of trades that might have a monetary value to
Indain girls of the Southwest. The training they were
receiving was for domestics in homes, for nurses, or for
assistant matrons. The girls needed some training that
would enable them to earn money at home.26 Mr. Perry
took the matter up with the Indian office early in 1924, but
was unable to secure funds. Next, he wrote the manage-
ment of the Junior Red Cross, and was successful in secur-
ing $900 a year to pay a Navaho woman to teach blanket
weaving. By 1925 fourteen looms were installed and the
course has grown more and more popular for Navaho girls

21. Personal interview with Miss Hazel Holsenbeck (teacher in the Indian
School) May 20, 1934. Mr. Montoya always returned the borrowed books in the same
bright cretonne bag (carefully arranged) having a draw string at the top. He pre-
ferred geography and history books to all others.

22. Personal interview with Mrs. Isis L. Harrington, May 17, 1984.

23. Narrative Report, p. 4, (1925).

24. Ibid., p. 14.

25. Ibid., p. 9. Hence no class graduated in 1925. Cf. appendix, p. 133, of
typed thesis.

26. Personal interview with Mrs. Isis L. Harrington, May 17, 1934.

314 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

through the years. Shortly after the establishment of the
weaving department funds were made available through
the same source to pay the salary of a Pueblo woman to
instruct Pueblo girls in the making of pottery.27 This
course, too, has become very practical for Pueblo girls.
Today the government pays the salaries of these two native
instructors, through Commissioner C. J. Rhoades. The
Indian office was more friendly toward the native crafts, for
in 1931-1932 wood carving, cabinet making and Indian art
were added; the next year silversmithing.28 Under the
present commissioner of Indian affairs, John Collier, native
crafts hold a high place in the curriculum. This department
has won many prizes annually at the Gallup Ceremonial.

Calendars had been published annually for several
years pertaining to the history, activities, and curriculum
of the school. They were interesting but brief. The fiscal
year, 1926-1927, saw the first annual, The Pow-Wow,
edited by the class of 1927.29 This class numbered twenty-
five (twelve girls and thirteen boys), and was the first class
to have the boys in the majority ; it also organized the first
Honor Society, and was the first class to wear the academic
caps and gowns.30 This annual was dedicated to the Hon.
Charles H. Burke, commissioner of Indian affairs, "in rec-
ognition of his untiring efforts to promote the progress of
the Indian race." The last Pow-Wow was published in
1932.31

There were thirty-two members in the graduating class
of 1928.32 They gave the operetta, "Feast of the Red Corn,"
and many people from the city attended and seemed to enjoy
the production.33 Also, as a memorial they gave the "electric
signal system" installed in the academic building by the
senior boys under the direction of their instructor, Mr.
Walter Martin.34

27. Narrative Report, p. 16, (1926).

28. Ibid. Also, personal interview with Mrs. Isis L. Harrington, May 17, 1934.

29. See appendix, p. 133 of typed thesis.

30. See appendix, p. 134 of typed thesis.

31. Ibid.

32. Ibid., p. 142 of typed thesis.

33. Personal interview with Mrs. Isis L. Harrington, May 17, 1934.

34. The Pow-Wow, p. 52, (1928).

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 315

According to The Pow-Wow, 1928, the Indians won the
state championship in basketball, and represented New
Mexico at the national meet in Chicago. Mr. Perry accom-
panied the Indian team. A quotation in The Pow-Wow from
the Armour Oval, Chicago, 111., April 12, 1928 stated

For picturesqueness and gameness hon-
ors should go to the U. S. Indian School from
Albuquerque, New Mexico. This team, al-
though eliminated early in the series, gave a
demonstration of form which won for them
the state high school championship of New
Mexico.35

Because the word "guardhouse" was obnoxious to a
few sentimentalists who were not correctly informed re-
garding the punishment of disobedient pupils in the Indian
schools,36 enough public opinion was aroused against its use
to cause the Indian office to abolish it. As a result discipline
became lax and disorder and desertions increased greatly.
During the fiscal year, 1928-1929, fifty-one boys deserted.37
Mr. Perry wrote the commissioner of Indian affairs :

It is a sad commentary to have to state
chat more of our pupils have been in the city
and county jails during the last twenty
months than had been in the school guard-
house for a number of years.38

Mr. Perry turned to the tribal meetings for assistance.
Their officers agreed that in case members of their tribe
were guilty of misconduct or disobedience such members
were required to answer for their conduct, and if they
promised to reform the leaders would watch over them in
a way and encourage their improvement. Tribal meetings
resulted in great good to the school. The next method of
discipline was used by the disciplinarian and matrons
through an organization of the boys' and girls' battalion.

35. Ibid., p. 38.

36. Personal interview with Mrs. Isis L. Harrington, May 17, 1934, and with Mr.
Reuben Perry on May 19, 1934. Such a writer was Vera Connolly, "The Cry of a
Broken People", Good Housekeeping, February 1929.

37. Narrative Report, 12, (1929).

38. Ibid.

316 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Once each month officers of these groups met and discussed
subjects influencing discipline. Results were fair.39

Vera L. Connolly's article "The Cry of a Broken Peo-
ple" in Good Housekeeping (February, 1929) aroused so
many unfavorable comments regarding ill treatment of
Indian children in government boarding schools that Sen-
ator Sam Bratton secured the consent of the Indian office to
permit him to select a committee of citizens of Albuquerque
to investigate charges made against the local Indian school.40
Senator Bratton had faith in the management of the Albu-
querque Indian school and wished to have its good name
cleared of all charges of inhumane treatment of the children
brought against it by Miss Connolly.41 He spoke of this
article as "ill-considered and fallacious criticism, which I
think rests largely upon imagination." 42

The committee held meetings on six different days. It
questioned eleven employees, including the superintendent,
four persons not employed, and twenty-seven pupils.

The investigation was general but the following points
were stressed : first, food, to see if the children really went
hungry; second, clothing, to see if pupils had enough
clothing for comfort; third, punishment, to see if punish-
ment inflicted upon the pupils was cruel and given in an
inhumane manner; and fourth, health, to see if pupils
received adequate medical care.43 The following places were

39. Ibid.

40. Congressional Record, 70 Cong., 2 sess., Sen. Doc. 5, pp. 4331-5258 (1929).
The personnel of the committee consisted of: Clyde Tingley, mayor of Albuquerque,
New Mexico, and chairman of the committee ; Mrs. George Ruoff, president of New
Mexico Federated Women's Club; J. R. Guild, post commander of the Hugh A.
Carlisle Post, No. 13, of the American Legion ; Dr. James R. Scott, county health
officer of Bernalillo county; M. E. Hickey, former judge of the district court of
Bernalillo county ; and Mrs. Max Nordhaus, head of the child welfare association.

41. Ibid. The Santa Fe Indian School was investigated about the same time by
an entirely different committee. This school, also, was acquitted of the charges brought
by Miss Connolly.

42. Ibid., pp. 4372-3.

43. Ibid., p. 4377. Regarding the first charge of insufficient food, the committee
was convinced by statements from both employees and pupils "that no pupils ever
need go from the dining room hungry — good food is there and may be had for the
asking" ; as to clothing, the pupils have enough clothing and bed clothing to keep
them comfortable in all kinds of weather ; as to punishment, the committee found that
seven or eight boys were paddled on the naked flesh with the rubber sole of a hospital
slipper (the committee believed that severe punishment should have been administered

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 317

visited: the hospital, the kitchen, the dining-room, the
school building, the work shops, the dormitories, the laun-
dry, and the native crafts department. The committee
reported that they were found in good condition and well
managed.44 The committee stated that

neither Mr. Perry nor any other employee
than the stenographer was present at any of
the hearings of the committee and no pupil
or employee was required to make a state-
ment in his presence.45

The committee, also, interviewed the governors, lieu-
tenant governors, and interpreters of the pueblos of Laguna,
Acoma, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Zia, Jemez, Sandia, and
Isleta. Twenty-three persons made statements to the com-
mittee. Outside of complaints of failure to build a bridge
and a day school, nothing but praise was elicited from the
representatives of the Pueblos concerning the school.46

Mrs. Harrington in "Lo, The Poor Taxpayer" answered
Miss Connolly's article, "The Cry of a Broken People." She
summed up her article by saying:

At Indian schools there is as little disci-
pline as possible. Government employees are
much more charitable and lenient with Indian
children than they are with whites. So are
you.47

A student of the school, Huskie J. Burnside, wrote
Senator Bratton defending the local Indian school.48

these boys, but did not approve the method used. No criticism came from the girls) ;
and as to health, the committee was convinced that the health of the pupils was
carefully guarded and that there was splendid and adequate supervision in the matter.

44. Ibid.

45. Ibid.

46. Ibid., p. 4377. The committee brought in a verdict of "not guilty" to all the
charges made by Miss Connolly.

47. Ibid., p. 3479.

48. Ibid., p. 3479. Letter of Huskie Burnside to Senator Bratton. " We have

all kinds of athlete equipment here in Albuquerque Indian School, such as basketball,
baseball, football, boxing outfit, etc. All these equipment take charge by Mr. J. E.
Jones, and also teach us how to use it. I think Albuquerque Indian School is the best
school, better than any other Indian Service. I tell why, because Albuquerque Indian
School they are build me to be a man, and they are the ones development my mind
and how to act and how to be a gentleman, and how to be polite and etc.

"A. I. S. is the best school that's why I have been stay here eight years now."

318 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

As proof that health was being safeguarded the new
hospital was finished and occupied early in the fiscal year,
1928-1929. The Indian patients who were suffering from
trachoma, from the hospital in town, were transferred to
this hospital. At the end of the fiscal year 123 trachoma
patients were receiving treatment daily. Funds for building
and furnishing this splendid structure came from the fund
"Conservation of Health Among Indians, 1929" to the
extent of $13,700, and from the fund "Indian Schools (Al-
buquerque, New Mexico) 1929", a total of $30,566.40.49

Regardless of criticisms from the outside, the school
had grown in numbers enrolled and in an increased number
of buildings. In 1929 there were 927 students enrolled,50
and of this number 304 were in high school. As to tribes
there were 407 Pueblos, 287 Navahos, seven Papagos, forty-
eight Zunis, seven Utes, four Choctaws, three Sioux, three
Creeks, two Mojaves, one Crow, one Modoc, one Sac and
Fox, one Mission, one Chimehuevi, and one Osage.51

There were forty-three members in the graduating
class of 1929.52 The campus on which these graduates had
lived was now a beautiful park covered with blue grass and
shade trees dotted here and there by forty-eight excellent
buildings.53 Some of their special activities included parties,
picnicking, week-end parties, a fashion show, officers party,
football banquet (principally seniors), and junior-senior
dance.54

The plans submitted by the Indian office, 1930, were
well-received by the teachers of the school. Throughout the
year teachers studied and worked to fit into the newer
methods and ideas of progressive education. The excep-
tions were a few "of the new industrial instructors who
were unable to adapt their public school experiences to
boarding school conditions " 55

49. Narrative Report, p. 12, (1929).

50. Pow-Wow, p. 74, (1929).
61. Ibid., p. 74.

52. See appendix, p. 147 of typed thesis.

68. Narrative Report, p. 6, (1929).

54. Ibid., p. 19, (1929).

55. Ibid., p. 19, (1930). "It has been difficult for some of the new industrial
instructors to adapt their public school experiences to boarding school conditions. It

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 319

Mr. Perry managed to keep the school on good terms
with the people, especially with those in control of the
denominational, city schools, and the University of New
Mexico. The school was a member of the high school athletic
association and, according to John Milne in the Albuquerque
Indian School

has been developed the spirit of good
sportsmanship — here they learned to take re-
sponsibility and to obey established rules —
here they learned to be loyal to common ideals
and purposes. If you don't believe that you
never attended a game in which high school
and Indian school were opposing each other.56

The neighboring schools had on many occasions ex-
tended accommodations in athletics and in the instruction
of art.

In the Navaho rug department fourteen looms were
kept busy during the fiscal year, 1930-1931, under the direc-
tion of the Navaho instructor, Mrs. Shirley. She was
assisted in the design of rugs by Katheryn Peshlakai. Nav-
aho boys and girls who studied design at the University of
New Mexico gave advice on design to this department. The
Indian art students studied under Mr. Kenneth Chapman,
curator of Indian art, Laboratory of American Anthropol-
ogy, Santa Fe.57

The pottery instructor was Mrs. Poncho assisted in

is frequently difficult for new persons in the Service to realize the necessity of
employees assuming: responsibilities for the welfare of the pupils outside of classroom
hours. Regulations provide that employees may be assigned additional duties requiring
time in addition to regular hours. The new industrial instructors are not pleased at
such requirements (teachers in the government service work long hours. They teach,
do janitor work, discipline, supervise or chaperon dances, sponsor clubs, classes, and
homeroom groups, and during the summer may be detailed to the dormitories, chil-
dren's kitchen, or laundry. Activities are necessary for a boarding school ; teachers
must expect a large amount of extra-curricular work)."

56. John Milne, address to the Albuquerque Indian School graduates, May 31,
1934.

57. Pow-Wow, p. 50, (1931). Cf., p. 96. Indian art pupils enrolled at the Uni-
versity of New Mexico were: Lucy Garcia, Juanita Pino, Louise Qotukuyva, Olive
Quasie, Mary Lujan, Lupita Jojola, Beatrice Healing, Sofia Wallace, Clarabel Irving,
Lucy Yepa, Rose Martinez, Nora James, Sue Sandoval, Dorothy Makewa, Rose Pav-
atea, Emerson Horace, Kyrat Tuyhoevna, Lewis Lomayesva, Joe Valdo, Herman Sara-
cino, Joseph Natsewa, Alex Vijil, John Wallace, Sam Ray Haschlis, Luke Johnston^,
Joe R. Martinez, and Katherine Peshlakai. Their instructor was Brice Sewell.

320 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

designs by Lucy Garcia and Juanita Pino. Hundreds of
pieces of pottery were made by this department, 1930-1931.
The Pueblo women burn their pottery over a slow fire made
by using "cow chips"; the Indian school used this method
for some months, but finally installed a large gas kiln
costing about $2,000. This department has had some of the
very best craftswomen. They come from San Ildefonso,
Santa Clara, and Acoma.

In 1931 Mrs. Ellen Lawrence 58 was the instructor of
ancient weaving and embroidery of the Pueblos. Pueblo
girls who desired this training were taught the half-
forgotten weaving of their grandmothers, and carried back
to their homes, not only the patterns, and articles made, but
the spirit of their ancient craft.

In the fall of 1932 the Indian arts and crafts depart-
ment had been divided into five different classes: pottery
making, weaving, silversmithing, Pueblo embroidery, and
Indian art. This department attempted to correlate good
Indian design with fine craftsmanship. Perhaps the union
of these five small departments under one departmental
head with a definite objective was due to the great interest
in Indian design and painting begun by a small group who
studied at the University of New Mexico during the school
year 1931-1932.59

Children attending the school or returned students
when at home were permitted to participate in the old
Indian dances.

58. Mrs. Ellen Lawrence learned colonial weaving in the Ozark mountains of
Missouri when quite young:. She moved to Texas in 1882 and took up lace making by
studying the designs and instruction in foreign books and magazines. She wrote the
Priscilla Bobbin Lace Book. In 1913 the Redlands Indian Association sent her to
California to teach lace making to the Mission Indians. On January 1, 1915 she
entered the Indian Service at that place. In 1919 she was transferred to Jemez, New
Mexico, as field matron. The job was such a hopeless one that Mrs. Lawrence started
belt weaving first, then embroidery, to save herself from "boredom". The Jemez
women did not believe that a white woman could learn their embroidery, and when
she succeeded their admiration for her grew so much that they permitted her to teach
them how to care for their babies. She was so successful as field matron that the
Indian office transferred her to San Felipe in 1925. She remained in that position
until January 1928 when she was transferred to the Albuquerque Indian school as
assistant matron. On July 1, 1929 she was given the title of assistant seamstress.
She still holds this title, and was asked to teach crochet, tapestry, and embroidery in
cotton and wool in 1931 using the ancient designs of the Pueblos.

59. Pow-Wow, p. 47, (1932).

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 321

It was a rare occurrence in 1930-1931 for a young man
to leave his work at some distant point and lose his pay for
the purpose of returning home to attend an Indian dance.60

The immediate aim of industrial training was to instill
habits of industry and honor, and to promote skillful use of
time and talent in acquiring a chosen vocation. The ultimate
aim was to make a pupil a good citizen, willing and able to
carry his economic load along the lines of his interest and
ability.61 Special attention was given to the trades of most
importance to the Southwest.

Mr. Robert E. Kendrick, teacher of senior high school,
during the fiscal year, 1930-1931, prepared a weight-height-
age chart for Navahos and Pueblos. Plans were made to use
this chart the ensuing year in connection with the Baldwin
chart used at this time which gave norms for whites only.62
The weight chart was actually so used in this connection
from 1931-1933.63

The outstanding project for 1931-1932 was securing
the record of all cows in the Indian service. This school had
fourth place, but through extra care and proper feeding
obtained first place with one cow, Wesiur Lilly Shylark
Thorndike. "In a 305 day test she produced 19,303 pounds
of butter fat, and brought a fine calf. Her average was
62.28 pounds of milk per day." 64 This cow was milked four
times each day. This department was under the direction
of John B. Harris and plenty of milk was furnished to
children who were underweight.

60. Narrative Report, pp. 2-3, (1931). Most of the Indian dances have some
religious significance attached to them ; however, to the observer they appear to be
an endurance contest.

61. Address of John Milne to the graduating class May 31, 1934. "Here (the
Albuquerque Indian School) opportunity has been given to develop the qualities of
honesty, generosity, dependability, and courage — all of which are most essential in the
lives of men and women. This school has striven to strengthen the faith of all
students and in so far as it is possible has encouraged the religious training without
regard to church affiliation." Under the present commissioner of Indian affairs they
are encouraged to continue and perfect the old tribal dances. In the past the commis-
sioner of Indian affairs had helped to eliminate these dances.

62. Narrative Report, p. 21, (1931).

63. Personal interview with Mr. Jose Romero, secretary to S. H. Gilliam, prin-
cipal of the Indian school ; Mr. Romero was past secretary to Mrs. Isis L. Harrington,
June 21, 1934.

64. Narrative Report, p. 10, (1932).

322 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

During the school session, 1931-1932, milk or cocoa
was served to such students twice each day by a group of
home economics girls under the direction of Miss Ann
Turner. The children were weighed each week and encour-
aged to drink larger quantities of milk, sleep in the after-
noon, and refrain from strenuous exercise. The results
obtained were excellent. Many of the underweights vied
with one another in drinking milk, and as they began to
put on weight, the weighing process was attended with
great satisfaction.65

There were fifty-two graduates in 193 1,66 twenty-eight
girls, and twenty-four boys, of whom thirteen were Nava-
hos and thirty-nine Pueblos. The average height of the
girls was sixty inches ; average weight, 108.2 pounds. The
average shoe numbered three and one-tenth. Their average
age was eighteen and five-tenths years. The boys averaged
130.1 pounds, stood sixty-six inches, wore shoes numbered
five and six-tenths, and averaged nineteen and seven-tenths
in age.67

The graduating class of 1932 68 wrote Mr. Perry that
they appreciated both the honor and benefits that had come
to them through his untiring efforts, and for the type of
education that would fit them for the trials and duties of
life.69 And, to Mrs. Harrington, the class wrote that she
had been a faithful friend and worker for the Albuquerque
Indian school for fifteen years, and that she had maintained
a high standard which contributed greatly toward their
high school training.70

There were eighty members in the graduating class of
1932 (forty-four boys and thirty-six girls) .71 Tribes repre-
sented were: thirty-seven Navahos, twelve Hopis, nine
Lagunas, four Isletas, four Acomas, three San Felipes, two
Zunis, two Apaches, two Taos, one each from Jemez, Santa

65. Pow-Wow, p. 42, (1932).

66. See appendix, p. 145 of typed thesis.

67. Pow-Wow, p. 76, (1931).

68. See appendix, p. 147 of typed thesis.

69. Pow-Wow, p. 5, (1932).

70. Ibid., p. 7.

71. See appendix, p. 147 of typed thesis.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 323

Clara, San Juan, Ute, and Pima. These graduates were
representatives of the following trades : auto mechanics, fif-
teen; carpenters, seven; engineers, six; farmers, five;
painters, four; bakers, three; tailors, one; dairymen, one;
nurses, four; and home economics, thirty-two. Only two
members of this class enrolled in college since most of the
Indian parents are very poor, and unless the graduates are
given scholarships they must either find work or return to
the reservation.

There were 100 graduates in the banner class of 1933.72
This class was disappointed because it was unable to pub-
lish The Pow-Wow. The Indian office had allowed about
$800 for the 1932 Pow-Wow, but because of economy orders
from the president a similar sum could not be granted this
year. In this class an ex-student, Tootsana Teller,73 (World
War veteran and an employee of the Santa Fe railroad
shops of Albuquerque) had completed the requirements of
sixteen units by correspondence and was permitted to grad-
uate. Only two members of this class were granted scholar-
ships to institutions of higher learning (John Wallace to
enter the University of New Mexico, and Janet Becente to
enter the Las Vegas Normal). Of the remaining number
most of the boys secured work on some government project
while a few girls found positions as laborers in Indian
day schools.

The class of 1934 was represented by eighty-four mem-
bers.74 John Milne in his address to the graduates urged
them to use their "power to make America a better place
for all the human family to dwell." Many of these graduates
are anxious to attend institutions of higher learning.75

On May 25, 1932 at the Indian school auditorium the
commencement drama, Achiyah Ladabah (the giant of the
Black mountains),76 was enjoyed by the city visitors who
were fortunate to obtain tickets (about 1000 were actually
accommodated). This play was based on a Zuni legend

72. See appendix, p. 149 of typed thesis.

73. Ibid., p. 129 of typed thesis.

74. Ibid., p. 152 of typed thesis.

75. Results of conferences held with the students by Mr. Gilliam.

76. See appendix, p. 132 of typed thesis.

324 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

written by Edward U. Tsyittee while studying English at
the Albuquerque Indian school on his return from the
World War. The legend was dramatized by his English
teacher, Mrs. Harrington, and special Indian music was
written by Mr. Boghdan Shlanta and arranged for the
band. In every feature the play and music were new and
novel, and Mr. Joe Padilla, a graduate of 1931 and an
employee, designed the stage setting. The Indian dances
were of the most authentic, and placed throughout the play
to enhance the theme or accentuate the dramatic color.77
Five dances were given: the Hopi Eagle Dance, the Hopi
Butterfly Dance, the Taos Hoop Dance, the Yebitsei Dance
of the Navahos, and the Zuni Comanche Dance. It required
twenty-six dancers to put on these five different dances.78

The dikes of the Little Colorado river were washed out
early in February, 1932, at Leupp, Arizona, and the Indian
school there was flooded so badly that it was considered
unsafe to leave the Indian children in Leupp. Hence, the
Indian office ordered each grade sent to a nearby Indian
school. Naturally, the Albuquerque Indian school was called
upon to take one class, and Mr. Perry sent a note of welcome
to the superintendent of that school. On February 21,
Superintendent Balmer sent his eighth grade (a class of
thirty-seven) chaperoned by their teacher, Miss Dora Luns-
ford. In a short time the new group had adjusted them-
selves to the routine work of the new school. Now, since the
Leupp Indian school had always had an eighth grade gradu-
ation exercise, Mr. Perry insisted that they carry out their
tradition at the close of the term, and this was done. Super-
intendent Balmer and Principal C. C. Pidgeon were present
at the exercises. Things moved so satisfactorily that prac-
tically all of this class enrolled in their adopted school in
the fall of 1932. Their instructor, Miss Lunsford, was so
well pleased that she asked for a transfer to the Albu-
querque school, and this was granted in 1933.79

An unusual amount of work was done in the shops in

77. Pow-Wow, p. 49, (1932).

78. Ibid., p. 50.

79. Pow-Wow, p. 47, (1932)

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 325

spite of the fact that the head of the industrial depart-
ment, Mr. D. N. Francheville, was delayed until after
January 1, 1933, in working out an industrial instruction
plan and a schedule for the boys.80 The painting instructor,
Mr. Maurice E. Covington, taught housepainting, color mix-
ing, blending, and estimation of work. About three and
one-fourth hours of practical application was spent on the
job. All painting in the school was done by this
department.81

The carpentry department under the direction of Mr.
Ira C. Bruce assisted by Messrs. Joe Padilla, Kinsey Yazza,
and Jonah Yazza spent a very busy year in constructing
and repairing buildings, cabinet work, and furniture
construction.82

The auto mechanic department under the direction of
Mr. Fred W. Canfield assisted by Mr. James Patten taught
care, upkeep, repair, operation and servicing of cars,
trucks, busses, tractors, and gas engines. They also taught
acetylene welding and machine shop work.83

The engineering department under Mr. George B.
Perce removed the steam pipes and return lines in various
buiildings. Many of these pipes had been eaten up by the
alkali contained in the water.84

Under contract a twelve-inch well was driven to a
depth of 400 feet which provided an ample supply of soft
water (at least 600 gallons a minute) for domestic use and
for irrigation of grounds and garden.85

The closing days of the fiscal year, 1932-1933, were for
many of the employees, a time of sorrow and uncertainty,
for on July 1, 1933 Mr. Perry (who had been in charge of
the school since 1908) retired. This would of course work a
hardship on some because a new superintendent would prob-
ably require them to make new adjustments. Then, too,
Mrs. Harrington resigned because she was not in sympathy

80. Narrative Report, p. 11, (1933).

81. Ibid.

82. Ibid., pp. 6-7.
88. Ibid., pp. 5-6.
84. Ibid., p. 4.
86. Ibid., p. 3.

326 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

with the new administration under Commissioner John
Collier who favored day schools among the Indians rather
than boarding schools. Naturally, employees expected the
boarding school either to be abolished or so reduced that
many positions would be abolished. The school was reduced
seventy-five, a much less radical change than was expected.
Other changes made were: Mrs. Blanche Thompson re-
signed, and Mr. Thompson's position was abolished (they
had served the school for seven years), Mrs. Anna Canfield
was retired ; Miss Dorothy Bryson, Mr. Frank Lee Shannon,
and Mr. Leo Smith were transferred.

Before retiring Mr. Perry wrote the Indian office that
he thought Mr. Clyde M. Blair would be a splendid suc-
cessor to carry on the work of the school. The Indian office
accepted this recommendation and on July 1, 1933 Mr.
Blair was appointed to the position. His acceptance of the
superintendency greatly relieved the uncertain feeling
among many of the literary instructors, for Mr. Blair had
served as principal from 1910-1916, and would be sympa-
thetic toward all employees.86

It was with sadness that most of the employees saw
the departure of Mr. Perry (after twenty-five years of
service) and of Mrs. Harrington (who had served here
fifteen years), but it was with thanksgiving that the new
superintendent was to be Mr. Blair.

CHAPTER VII

THE NEW ADMINISTRATION (1933)

The new superintendent was not a stranger but an old
friend of the school. Because of his varied experiences and
because of his deep interest in the Indians of the Southwest,
Mr. Clyde M. Blair was the logical person for the place.
His special interest in athletics, in social activities, and in
coordination of industrial work necessitated some changes

5. Personal interview with Mr. Perry, June 5, 1934.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 327

in the regular routine work. An era of progress was
expected from his supervision.1

Mr. Blair is in harmony with the newer views of pro-
gressive education and believes that children must do
creative work if they are to progress. In line with this idea
many activities were organized in collaboration with Mr.
S. H. Gilliam,2 the new principal, who was even more
strongly convinced of the newer philosophy of education.
These two administrative officers agreed on several lines of
procedure. First, to give standardized tests (both mental
and achievement) for adapting the work, drill, and activity
to the achievement level of the individuals in each group;
second, to organize social activity along educational lines as
in clubs, home room exercises, socials, and guidance groups,
the purpose being to throw the student on his own initiative ;
third, to improve vocational instruction, and to add new

1. Indian Leader, XXXVI, February 10, 1933, No. 24, p. 1. Mr. Clyde Blair
entered the Indian Service at Haskell, Lawrence, Kansas, November 27, 1909, as a
teacher of mathematics. He was twenty-seven and had not yet completed his college
education, but by 1933 he had fitted himself to hold important administrative positions
through his many experiences and by specializing in administrative work at the
University of Kansas, and the University of Chicago. He was a successful teacher and
was promoted to principal teacher of Haskell early in 1910. He served in this capacity
almost a year when he was sent to the school at Albuquerque as principal teacher.
When the principal of Carlisle Indian School resigned in 1916, Mr. Blair was
appointed to that position, and served until the school was permanently closed. In 1918
he was transferred to the Chilocco Indian School as principal and assistant superin-
tendent, and later was made superintendent. He served there until July 1, 1926, when
he was transferred to the superintendency of Haskell Institute. He was relieved in
July, 1930 by H. B. Peairs and he was sent to Muskogee, Oklahoma, to conduct
research studies among the five Civilized Tribes. "This piece of work stands today as
a monument to his understanding and comprehension of the Indian problem. Many of
the recent social changes which have been made on the reservations and in the
Indian schools have grown out of this piece of work which he conducted for the
Indian Bureau, 1930, in eastern Oklahoma". On May 6, 1931 he was sent to KlamatR
Falls Agency, Oregon. While there he helped to bring peace and harmony to the
timber interests. In January, 1933 he was returned to Haskell Institute as super-
intendent and July 1 he was transferred to the Albuquerque school as superintendent.

2. Personal interview with Mr. S. H. Gilliam, May 26, 1934. As for his
education, Mr. Gilliam majored in science and minored in Spanish and psychology.
He received his B. A. degree from the University of New Mexico in 1924. He has
continued his educational work at the University of Colorado, University of Califor-
nia, Los Angeles, University of California, Berkeley, Claremont College, Pomona,
Calif., Arizona State Teachers College, Flagstaff, and extension work from the
University of Oregon.

Mr. Gilliam was principal of Sherman Institute, Riverside, California, for seven
years. From there he was sent to Chemaya, at Chemaya, Oregon as principal, and
remained until he was transferred to the same position at this school, August 15, 1933.

328 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

courses as needs arose and as teachers were able and willing
to assume new duties of this kind; fourth, to simplify and
coordinate the work of the literary department with the
vocational; and fifth, to lay more stress on a physical
athletic program and to put less weight on competitive
athletics.

An enriched extra-curricular course was actually put
into operation during the fiscal year, 1933-1934. Fifteen
clubs 3 were either continued or organized ; homerooms or-
ganized and gave programs each week ; dances, teas, picnics,
interclass games, parties, picture shows were scheduled;
and religious instruction continued with no change from the
previous administration.

Every student was given at least two intelligence tests
during the year (language and non-language) and two
achievement tests (one in English the other in mathe-
matics). The seniors were given at least five tests (three
mental, one achievement, and one for special abilities) . On
the record made in the first mental test given (in Septem-
ber) the children were placed in groups according to their
rating. This was not a rigid rule. Any child receiving an
"E" (unsatisfactory work) was demoted one section (re-
maining in the same grade) while the student ranking
highest (upon recommendation of his teachers) was pro-
moted. Work offered for the best section in each grade fits
them for higher education while that offered the lower
groups fits them for the vocational trades. Very fine results
have come about as to more scientific grouping. After
school closed May 31 each homeroom teacher averaged the
I. Q.'s for her section. Next year, 1934-1935, the groups
will be even more homogeneous and a higher type of work
may be expected.

Vocational instructors were required to submit prob-
lems to the literary department for the purpose of making
the work in mathematics more practical. The level in gen-

3. The clubs were: athletic (boxing and wrestling, girls' athletic club), music
(mandolin, chorus, orchestra, band), house-counsellors (supplanted the tribal meetings
held twice each month), campfire girls, boy scouts; art, dramatic, parliamentary,
home economics, industrial for boys, and liberty.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 329

eral mathematics (based on four different medians from
standardized tests) was raised some. The next fiscal year
should show a greater improvement.

Mrs. Almira Francheville was made head of all indus-
tries presided over by women instructors. This has coordi-
nated the work and centralized all industrial functions
under her department. Other centralized features will
possibly be added next year.

In the literary department English, guidance, shop
mathematics, and activities have been the foundation upon
which all work has been built. The children have expressed
happiness from the many activities engaged in by them.4
It is hoped that the guidance course has and will result
in great good.

Ahtletics for all the pupils have been given all year.
Both boys 5 and girls 6 have taken two periods each week in
non-competitive athletics. Monthly weighings have been
made; however, the principles of health have been taught
by the literary teachers and not by the physical education
directors. The year has been a successful one in competitive
athletics. In football the Indian team was victorious over
their ancient enemy, the Albuquerque high school. In bas-
ketball they won the city title race, and won second place
in the state tournament.

A few changes have been made during the year because
the Indian office has again reduced the enrollment of the
school by seventy-five, necessitating the abolishment .of
several positions.7 Mr. Francheville's position was abol-
ished during mid-winter and also Mr. Jerome Leather-
wood's. Near the close of school Mrs. Helen Lock and Miss
Laura V. Gapen's positions were abolished and Mr. Gilmore
and Miss Copeland were retired. The commissioner of
Indian affairs proposes to use Indians whenever possible to
carry on the process of Indian education.

Mr. Gilliam believes the students should be given entire

4. An inspection of home letters each month. Each teacher sponsored at least
one activity meeting twice each month throughout the year.

5. Boys athletics were directed by J. E. Jones.

6. Girls athletics were directed by Miss Bessie Trowbridge.

7. See appendix, p. 154 of typed thesis.

330 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

freedom as to quantity and courses taken, especially if the
student is insistent and be allowed to continue with the
course until proved wrong — the student is thus thrown on
his own initiative. Courses added to give a wider range for
pupils to select from were : Red Cross 8 work for boys,
home economics 9 for boys, beauty parlor work, and a
general native crafts course which is to train for home
improvement and better community participation. All gen-
eral courses are given for the purpose of sending the pupils
back to their homes equipped to live in their own commu-
nities, while specialized courses train them for definite jobs
and not for home life. An attempt has been made to reduce
institutional work on the part of the students (fatigue or
regular detail work such as cleaning buildings, serving in
the dining room, or running errands) and to increase voca-
tional activity of worthwhile training value.11

The new administration, though instituting radical
changes that show promise of great good, is too new to be
compared with the building of a great Indian training
school under Mr. Perry. It is the task of the present admin-
istrator to improve the fine work already done and to
broaden the scope of the institution. The fiscal year, 1933-
1934, has been but the transition from the old to the new —
having brought with it new activities (keeping some, dis-
carding others), many changes in the operation of the
school plant, and new aims in educating the Indian children
of.this section for social and economic leadership.

The old administration can look back upon a magnifi-
cent school plant, a fully developed four-year high school
course, an organized and perfected system of trades best
suited to the Indians of the Southwest, the best band organ-
ization in the state, a reclaimed school farm, an increased
enrollment and per capita cost, a splendid native arts and
crafts department, an expert athletic organization, the
installation of a completely new sewerage, heating, and

8. Under the direction of Miss Mary Elizabeth Kavel, head nurse.

9. Given by Miss Ann Turner.

10. Directed by Miss Alice Clairmont.

11. Personal interview with Mr. S. H. Gilliam, May 26, 1934.

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 331

water system, the finest Indian school hospital, clubhouse,
gymnasium, and barn in the Indian service, the perpetua-
tion of those traditions and legends most dear to Indian
boys and girls, and a friendly relationship with churches,
schools, and the University of New Mexico. Indeed, the fol-
lowing tribute to Mr. Perry from John Milne in his address
to the graduating class of 1934 is most fitting: "When the
history of the period in which Mr. Perry served is finally
written his record of achievement will make a great and a
deserved monument to him." Through his years of service
and unselfish devotion to the pupils of the Albuquerque
Indian School, Mr. Perry has helped those attending the
school to live a richer fuller life.

APPENDIX No. 1

Veterans of the World War
See Pow-Wow, 1929, p. 4

1. Francisco Abeita

2. Remijo Abeita

3. William Allen

4. Pete Anderson

5. Isaac Anallo

6. Sebastian Bradley

7. Philip Cata

8. Clarence D. Claw

9. Harry D. Claw

10. Francisco Chino

11. Morris Denetdele

12. Frank Francisco

13. Willie Gaishtia

14. Manuel Gonzalez

15. John Gunn

16. Armado Garcia

17. Frank Hathorn

18. Tom Hathorn

19. Henry Hiyi

20. George Keryte

21. Vicenti Keryte

22. Sam Lincoln

23. Antonio Lucero

24. Henry Marmon

25. Kenneth Marmon

26. Paul Martin

27. Joe McCarty

28. Ray Natesway

29. Libe Nata

30. George Naiche

31. Walker Norcross

32. Chee Chilly Notah

33. Trancito Ortiz

34. Dean Onsathy

35. George Paisano

36. Abel Paisano

37. Santiago Pearly

38. Frank Pedro

39. Andrew Phillips

40. George Pratt

41. Chee Platero

42. Paul Reid

43. Vidal Sanchez

44. George Santiago

45. Charles Seonia

46. Willie Seonia

47. Alonzo Shakey

48. George Siou

49. Harry Spencer

50. Chee Dah Spencer

51. Henry Tallman

52. Bennie Tohee

332 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

53. Tootsana Teller 60. Louis Waconda

54. Kee Toledo 61. Frank White

55. Nerio Tafoya 62. Natah Wilson

56. Edward U. Tysittee 63. Sam Williams

57. Romero Vallo 64. Paul Yazza

58. Rols Vam Ghee Dah (killed in action)

59. Lorenzo Waconda

In Memoriam

Paul Yazza
(Class of 1929 in Pow-Wow, p. 5)

"Rest ye in peace, ye Flanders dead.
The fight that ye so bravely led
We've taken up. And we will keep
True Faith with you who lie asleep."
— R. W. Lillard.

APPENDIX No. 2

A Brief Survey of the Work of Mrs. Isis L.

Harrington in the Albuquerque Indian School,

Albuquerque, New Mexico, 1917-1933 1

"Sunday, P. M.
My dear Miss McKinney:

I came to the Albuquerque Indian School as teacher, August, 1917.
I had been in the service (Senior Teacher, Sac and Fox, Stroud, Okla-
homa) two years entering from Missouri State Teachers' College at
Springfield. Being the newest acsuisition to the A. I. S. faculty I had
to take what nobody else wanted in everything from grade subject,
and pupils to room furniture in the club.

"Educationally I drew the work called 'adult primary' and when
those full-grown men and women tumbled in upon me the first
morning of school with their 'Rose Primer' I all but fled. When they
opened their primers to the lesson (assigned by the teacher who had
'shelved' them on to me) and I saw the lesson was Hip-Hops, 'One
little, two little, three little hip-hops, etc.', what could a self-respecting
woman do teaching 'little hip-hops' to husky men and women who,
perhaps, never in their lives thought in terms of 'hip-hops'!

"This group of adults actually drove me, in desperation, into a
philosophy of education hitherto foreign to me. Self defense caused
me actually to print on board, and later to type individual lessons for
those pupils, basing their lessons in everything on their industrial,
home and school activities .They were not paralyzed, hence activity

1. Many of the topics mentioned in this letter are discussed in the Pow-Wow
(1927, 1928, 1929, 1930, 1931, 1932).

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 333

was the one common ground on which we all might stand. In order to
see what each member of my class was doing in industrial depart-
ments, I haunted dining hall, kitchen, bakery, dairy, shoe shop, cow
barn, horse barn, and so on. Gathering material for my next day's
lesson took me over the plant till I knew every nook and corner on
the campus and what went on there — even to the hot ash pile by
the boiler house where the fire boys buried their gallon syrup bucket
of coffee to cook.

"The adult primary waxed interested and interesting — gaining
knowledge — each for his own purpose. We had a course of study but
I never applied its demands to my adults. General Pratt visited my
adult class one day when we were playing a game learning a multi-
plication table. He praised the class highly. One adult rose and said
'Thank you, General.' This touched the grand old man. It was his
last visit to the Albuquerque Indian School.

"The policy of admitting adults waning in 1919-1920, no more
adults were entered, and eventually I was given a class of fourth
grade. I found my methods of making my own text worked well with
this class as it had with my adults. English seemed the most needed
of any subjects and I got it into them, and out of them, in divers and
sundry ways. They learned freedom of expression (and freedom of
speech!). In 1919 I was promoted to head English teacher with all
English in seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth grades. In these English
classes many of the school's traditions and customs were born and
nurtured. The juniors and seniors (ninth and tenth grades) were
real high school students. Those attending City High School subse-
quently never had a failure in English and finished the eleventh and
twelfth grades in the city with the respect of all the teachers.

"With a growing demand of the students for two years more of
high school, two years were added to the curriculum which now
offered real high school essentials through the four-year course. This
extension coming after I had been promoted to principalship in 1922
made my duties very heavy, and I dropped the teaching of all but
high school English.

"Through English I was able to help many an Indian boy and
girl with his lessons, connecting and coordinating his industrial and
academic activities at school, and his literary and artistic legacy at
home, with his actual life. Through these courses in English, also, I
learned from my students much of Indian culture, literature, govern-
ment, and social life. All this helped me to build upon what the
student already had. I tried to bring out the genuine respect and
honor due such institutions, beliefs, literature, and arts and crafts as
the race had contributed to civilization. The knowledge thus thrust
upon me by my English classes has enabled me to write authentic,
comprehensive, and timely material of Indians of the Southwest.

"As A. I. S. grew in numbers, and more work fell upon the high

334 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

school (lower grades were dropped until only junior high and senior
high were left) I was forced to drop teaching entirely spending all
my time in supervisory work. Pupils who had been my English stu-
dents came for advice and guidance in all sorts of problems, and today
boys and girls (now men and women), and I have secret confidences
that no one but them and me shall ever know.

"During my term as principal many school activities were initiated.
Some fell by the way, others persisted. Tribal meetings were insti-
tuted, coming, indirectly, from a request of prominent Zuni students
to be allowed to take charge of the discipline of one of their number
who persisted in 'disgracing our tribe' as Ed Tsyittee, the spokesman,
put it. The request being granted brought such satisfactory results
that other tribes, hearing of it, made the same request. From that
time on, about 1925, student government was handled by each tribe
meeting once each month to deal with disciplinary and behavior
problems of that tribe's members. This tribal government persisted
and was one of the most beneficial things to both school and individ-
uals I have ever seen. Literary societies, dramatic clubs, music clubs,
industrial clubs, Alumni Association, Honor Society, Declamatory
Contests, and Athletic organizations which I have sponsored still
persist after many years. Hiawatha (dramatization) and Achiyah
Ladabah (The Giant of the Black Mountains) were written and pro-
duced by me with the assistance of the Indian pupils.

"Some traditions and customs instituted through my English
classes still continue. It might interest you to know some of these:
presentation of the key to the incoming senior class (beginning in
1919) ; organization of the Honor Society, 1927; memorials of classes
dating from 1921 (as planting of the elm tree between the office and
the superintendent's cottage, 1921) ; the Benjamin Franklin printing
press, and planting the catalpa tree by the band stand with the Will
of the class buried at its roots, 1923, 'the Clara Barton Trio,' three
elms planted along the walk to the old hospital, 1924; the drinking
fountain on the campus, 1925; the signal system in the school building,
1928; the gavel made by the class of 1930 (It contains wood, silver,
and turquoise, and is to be surrendered each year to the junior class.
The surrender is to be made on graduation, and at the same exercise
— following the graduation exercise) ; the Chinese elms in front of the
school building were planted, 1931 (the name of the tree on the north
is Charles Curtis; the other, Edison; and with these trees is buried a
sealed bottle containing the names of trees and participants) ; the
Alumni Association was organized June 9, 1920 (the organizers were:
Superintendent Perry, Dr. Wedge, myself, and Class of 1920; the
slogan for the association was suggested by Dr. Wedge: 'Omaha',
meaning 'Up-Stream' was adopted as it is an Indian word) ; the
trophy case at the auditorium was donated by the Alumni, and made
by the carpenters in the Class of 1930; the first Yearbook (named

HISTORY OF THE ALBUQUERQUE INDIAN SCHOOL 335

Pow-Wow) was put out in 1927; in 1925 there were no graduates on
account of the addition of two years to the curriculum (the class came
back, took two years' more work and was graduated with the first
four-year high school course, 1927) ; and the Service Flag, made and
kept during the World War by the Minnehaha Literary Society burned
in the fire that destroyed the auditorium. (It contained one silver star.
That for Paul David Yazza, and sixty- three white stars.) The names
on the certificate of Appreciation given the school by President Calvin
Coolidge are those of all A. I. S. boys whose stars were on the Min-
nehaha Service Flag.

"If you will read the legends in the Pow-Wow's from 1927-1932
you will appreciate the legends written by the children of their
respective tribes. Rich indeed is the heritage of the Indian School in
preserving these native stories.

"I wrote the following lines for the graduating class of 1932:

When you return in years to come

And those you knew are gone

Some shrub, or tree, or dusty tome

Will bid you welcome home.

The walks you've trod in days long past

May wider be, or fewer,

Still old A. I. S. holds you dear

And knows that none are truer.

"Many of the facts given regarding traditions may be found in
'Lest We Forget' of the 1932 Pow-Waw. In my office are cuts of
pupils, employees, and buildings that if included would add interest
to your thesis which I am sure will be a most valuable asset to the
study of education in the Indian Service. Employees entering the
service will find help here that can be found nowhere else, and I
congratulate you on your taking such a timely subject and one on
which — so far as I know — very little of use has been written before.
"If I can be of any further Service to you, please call on me.

Very truly yours,

Isis L. Harrington."

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849
(Notes from the Diary of William H. Chamberlin)

(Concluded)
Edited by LANSING B. BLOOM

CHAPTER XX

Friday, Sept. 14. — Found an Indian trail this morning,
which we followed for several hours, when we came to a
deep slue of stagnant, though fresh good water. Here we
found two or three Indians encamped on their way from the
mines. They had been working for Col. Fremont, and had
been paid in blankets and clothing. These Indians are very
lazy, and will only work for clothing, preferring to steal
their food, live on acorns, roots, fish, etc., or do without.
They care nothing about money, and if they happen to get
any it is immediately spent for some article of clothing or
ornament. These Indians informed us that we were four
days' journey from the mines, two from the San Joaquin
river, without a trail and a difficult course, having no land-
marks, which we found pretty correct, "only more so."
After a hard day's march, and a very winding one, we
encamped on a patch of good grass near a reed swamp, from
which we procured water. No wood, but we gathered a large
pile of dry wild horse dung and set it on fire, which
answered the purpose very well, and is certainly an im-
provement upon buffalo chips. We roasted the last of our
elk meat and ate it this evening. Our provision sacks are
now empty. Having nothing to cook our meat in, or with,
we were obliged to roast it on spits and it was well scented
by the fuel. With a good wood fire this is by far the best
way of cooking fresh meat. It has a much sweeter flavor.
We see an abundance of game during the day, but can not
get within shot, the country being so level. The country
still has the same barren appearance, except on the imme-
diate border of the marshes, slues and rivers in the centre of
the valley. Had we not become accustomed to mirage we
would be deceived by it every day; as it is, it is hard to
believe what "our eyes see." Groves of trees and flats of
grass constantly appearing before us in the desert waste,
and never reaching them, only serves to make traveling
more wearisome and unpleasant. The weather is now com-

336

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 337

fortable during- the day and very cool at night. The hazy
state of the atmosphere continues, and heavy dews fell
during the night. Wild horses around camp this evening.
Distance, 25 miles — 2471.

Saturday, Sept. 15. — Shortly after we started three
antelopes crossed our path a short distance ahead of us.
Being in advance I shot two of them, one of which we packed
along, and gave the other to several emigrants, who had
encamped with us and were also out of provisions. We
shaped our course N. W. and about 11 o'clock a. m. reached
a large slue, which we at first thought to be a river. It
was about 30 yards wide, deep, but we could observe no
current, although the water was clear and fresh, and
abounded in fish. On the west of us we saw a heavy line of
timber; following down the slue in that direction, we soon
reached its junction with the San Joaquin river. We have
reason to rejoice that we have at last reached this point, for
we have been bewildered and troubled no little since enter-
ing the valley. Several mules "gave out" before reaching
camp this evening, but were afterwards brought up. The
fact is, we are amongst the first persons that ever traveled
down this desert side of the valley, which we have since
ascertained. The river is about 60 yards wide and from 2
to 4 feet deep at this place. The current runs at the rate of
1% miles per hour. The water is very cold, clear and good.
It runs on a bed of sand which is bespangled with flakes of
mica, resembling gold, and abounds in fine fish called
mountain trout, of the same species that we caught in the
head waters of the Rio Gila. The banks of the river are
skirted with a thick growth of large and small willows and
underbrush. The entire bed of the river is several hundred
yards in width, and the banks 15 feet high, which are no
doubt full in time of high water. We are encamped on the
great bend in the river, which a few miles west of us flows
off in a N. W. direction. It rises in the Sierra Nevada moun-
tains and flows S. E. to this point,94 where its general course
is N. W. to its mouth. We have not yet had a glimpse of
the Sierra Nevada range. Distance, 20 miles — 2491.

Sunday, Sept. 16. — Eight of our mules were missing
this morning and we did not recover them until noon. We
trailed them several miles and found them amongst a band
of wild horses. We had great difficulty in separating them
from the horses, and what seems strange, the mules that
were broken down the evening before were amongst the
number. The wild horses had led them away from camp

94. He should have said southwest instead of southeast.

338 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

during the night. They are a great annoyance to travelers.
However, this delay proved a fortunate circumstance to us.
We did not move camp. Capt. Dixon shot two antelopes;
and one of our party who crossed the river in search of the
lost mules, met a company of gold diggers on a "prospect-
ing" expedition to Kings river, which I believe is a branch
of the San Joaquin.95 Their captain, Mr. Walker, is an old
Indian trader, has been in this country some years, and
visited the States six times by the overland route.96 He gave
us a great deal of information concerning this country, the
gold mines, etc. But what was better than all, we purchased
three days' rations of American flour from them. This was
very providential. We gave 50 cents per quart for it, which
was reasonable. These various matters occupied our time
during the day. Indications of rain, but none fell. We
actually suffered from cold during the night.

Monday, Sept. 17. — Found a shallow fording and
crossed the river early this morning. Weliurried the mules
through, which prevented their miring in the quicksand.
We were advised by Capt. Walker's company to continue up
the river a day's march, and then strike in a N. E. direction
for the mountains. We nooned at some deserted Indian
wigwams, and caught some fish for dinner, which we roasted
in the ashes. The country lies higher on this side of the
river, but is almost as sterile as the other side. The earth is
of the same ashy nature, into which the mules sunk at
every step. The surface is made irregular by the numerous
little hillocks scattered over it. We encamped on the bank
of the San Joaquin, which is certainly a pretty stream, runs
in a clear bed, is as clear as crystal, and very meandering in
its course. Distance, 20 miles — 2511.

Tuesday, Sept. 18. — Left the river this morning and
traveled in a N. E .direction by the compass. In a short
time the mountains became visible, when we bore due north
for them, and reached the table land about 2 o'clock p. m.
The day was very hot, and we nooned without water for
ourselves and animals. Packed up and spent the rest of the
day in search of water, but found none, and were obliged to
encamp without it. We found a green spot where there had

95. Like the San Joaqufn (but to the south and roughly parallel with it) King's
river flows southwest and then northwest, joining the San Joaqufn west of the modern
Fresno.

96. Doubtless he is speaking of Joseph Walker "the famous Santa Fe trapper
who had served under Bonneville and had broken the trail from Great Salt Lake west
across the Great Basin to Monterey," discovering a pass at the source of the San
Joaquin river. Nevins, op. cit., 198, 211, citing Sabin, Kit Carson Days.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 339

lately been water and had good grass for the mules. Dis-
tance, 20 miles— 2531.

Wednesday, Sept. 19. — These mountains are very bar-
ren, but there is a species of oak growing in the ravines.
To produce acorns for Indian food and make fire wood is
about all this tree is good for. It is large and branching,
but very short in the trunk. After an hour's drive we came
to a small, clear running stream. Supposing this to be one of
the mining rivers, and within reach of provisions, we ate
our last small rations of bread and meat, of which we were
much in need, having eaten nothing since yesterday
morning. All hands were certain that we would have our
"eyes" at least full of gold dust in less than twenty-four
hours, and of course, once in the diggings we could get
something to eat, and "all about supper" in the mines was
the joke about camp. Well, we packed up and traveled until
dark, expecting every moment to hear the music of the pick
and shovel, or meet some "umbra" 97 that could direct us to
the desired haven. But we were (green, wa'nt we?) doomed
to be disappointed in our expectations, and we again en-
camped without water or anything to eat. Some of our men
did not get in for several hours after we encamped, their
riding mules having failed under them. We killed an animal
resembling a ground hog this afternoon, on which we
expected to have a delicious supper. After dressing him as
well as we could without water, we threw the carcass into
the fire and "stirred him up" until we thought him "done
brown." But, alas ! like the pelican, a single bite sufficed for
supper. We laid it aside, sorry that we had troubled packing
it into camp, and turned in to rest if we could, or suck the
gums to allay the thirst, thinking that we could eat some-
thing if we had it. Distance, 20 miles — 2551.

Thursday, Sept. 20. — Made an early start, and the small
path we were on soon led us to the water. This we found in
a deep ravine in the mountains. The bed of the stream was
dry, except in this one place, but from signs a large body of
water poured down it during the rainy season. This is the
character of many of the small streams running from these
mountains. We found horse and mule tracks a short dis-
tance up the ravine, but there they ended. After a fruitless
search for a trail leading out in the direction we wished to
go, we were obliged to descend the rocky bed of the arroyo.
We were not aware at this time that we were so near the
"Maraposa" diggings, which are located within ten miles to
the eastward of this point. Ignorance may be the "mother

97. Chamberlin spelled it as it sounded. He means the Spanish hombre (man).

340 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

of vice," but it was the cause of misfortune and suffering to
us in this case. Having nothing to cook we tried acorns, but
they were too green and bitter. We drank a cup of coffee
and started. We had gone but a short distance when we
again found the trail of cart tracks, which we had been
endeavoring to follow, and continued on this for some time
before we discovered that we were traveling in a S. E.
direction, and directly on the back track. Here was a
dilemma; which way to go we knew not. Three-fourths of
our mules were completely worn out, and ourselves so
reduced in strength that we could scarcely pack and unpack.
After a short deliberation we concluded to return to the
ravine, which we had followed out to the edge of the plain.
Here we found another small hole of water, some grass, and
encamped beneath the shade of a large spreading oak. John
Musser, Hill Dixon and Charles Gathwait took four of the
best mules and started in search of the mines for provisions.
They had gone but a mile or two when Dixon and Gathwait
"had some words" about the course, (they were of the same
mess) ; Hill knocked Gathwait off his mule and he fell
"smash" into a hornet's nest. The insects, not liking this,
attacked the intruder on all sides. He not knowing where
he was, or what this new pain meant, sung out lustily for
help to get out of h — 1. Poor Charley returned to camp
writhing with pain; his "eyes blacked," face swollen, and
"blind as a bat." There is no doubt but that hunger
quickens the temper and destroys man's best nature. We
have not met a single person since leaving the San Joaquin
river that could give us any information, not even an
Indian whom we could employ as guide, without which it is
difficult to travel in this country, there being so many trails
running in various directions. Those that went in search of
provisions, were instructed to strike a due north course, in
case they could find a well-beaten satisfactory trail to
follow. We drank a little coffee and lay down to meditate
upon our "fix." Slept, but only to dream of "sides of bacon,"
"pots of mush," and other luxuries, that we despised in
days lang syne. Distance, 5 miles — 2556.

Friday, Sept. 21. — This morning I gathered up an old,
dirty bag that had contained sugar, and boiled it out. In
this water we boiled coffee, and a better cup I never drank.
Some of us started out with our guns and succeeded in
killing a small hare, a hawk, and a few woodpeckers, quails
and doves. These we put into a camp kettle and made it
full of broth, but it scarcely deserved the name, being so
thin and poor. Out of this nine of us ate, or rather supped,

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 341

for there was scarcely a bird to the man. We styled it "bird
tea." This is all we have eaten for 52 hours. The condition
of our bodies can well be imagined. My rifle is the only gun
left in our mess, out of what we started with. We made all
the effort we could to kill some large game, but without
success. We anxiously looked for relief until dark, expecting
our men to return; but they did not come and we began to
fear that they had strayed from their course, for we were
all satisfied that we could not be far from "some place."
When night set in Howard and Armstrong saddled up their
mules and started out on the same errand. We made up our
minds not to kill one of our mules until reduced to the last
extremity. This evening Capt. Dixon learned Maj. Green
"how to fire-hunt" ; accordingly the captain shouldered the
"blazing pan" and rifle and the major a bag of small wood,
to keep up the flame, and sallied out. They returned in
about an hour, not being able to "shine any eyes." We
turned in, but the gnawing of hunger would not suffer us to
sleep soundly. Our slumbering visions were disturbed by
the sight of bloody mule steaks smoking on the spit, but
before we could enjoy the imaginary feast, the shrill howl
of a caoti [coyote] would "tear our eyes open."

CHAPTER XXI

Saturday, Sept. 22. — I started out this morning in
hopes that I could kill an antelope, but was so weak that I
could not hold out long, and after a stroll of two or three
miles, I was obliged to return to camp. We attempted
several times to eat the green acorns, boiling and toasting
them, but they only sickened us. We firmly resolved to kill
a mule to-morrow morning if our men do not return before
that time with provisions. (We have since learned that a
number of companies, coming into the San Joaquin valley
from the coast on their way to the Maraposa mines, were
as badly bewildered as ourselves, and some of them much
worse, getting into the mountains amongst the Indians, and
were obliged to live upon grasshoppers, acorns, horse beef,
etc.) About 3 o'clock p. m. Howard and Armstrong returned,
having run the trail out on which they started. They sung
out for some mule beef before they had reached camp,
thinking that we had certainly butchered one by this time.
A few moments after Musser and Dixon came in with a mule
load, having been more successful. After a considerable
winding about amongst the mountains in search of a trail
they struck out in a due north course, and reached the Rio

342 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Marcaides [Mercedes], where they saw some cattle, and
shortly afterwards a man, who directed them to Scott and
Montgomery's ranch, a few miles down the river, which they
reached yesterday evening.98 They purchased and packed
the supplies last night, and left early this morning. When
about to buy they were asked whether they had any money ?
Of course they wanted to know why such a question was
asked, and were told that if they had money "they must pay
well for what they got, and if not they should have it any-
how; that's the way we do business in California." Our
boys said they likely had enough, but none to spare, and
they charged accordingly — 75c per pound for pork, 75c for
jerked beef, 62 %c for flour, 55c for sugar, 37 Va for green
beef, etc. — 3 days' rations. The bill amounted to $90, the
whole of which could have been purchased in Lewisburg
for $5. We thought it "smacked" strongly for the diggings,
but we rejoiced to get it at any price, and immediately set
about satisfying our appetites. John and Hill were two or
three meals ahead of us, but they well earned them. I ate
very sparingly of bread alone, fearing the effect, but with
all my care I was very unwell during the night, and at the
same time suffered from toothache. Hill and Charles "shook
hands and made up," and peace and plenty being once more
restored in camp, a more pleasant, jovial evening has not
been enjoyed in a long time, and our past troubles and trials
were set aside as things that have happened but cannot
happen again. Besides all this, our boys, while at the ranch,
saw some of the genuine gold diggers and lots of the dust,
that had been taken out of the earth not more than two
days' journey hence. Under the circumstances, who wouldn't
feel good? "0, California! That's the land," etc., etc.

Sunday, Sept. 23. — Our mules have done finely, and
started off more lively than usual. Traveled in a N. W. direc-
tion, over rolling tablelands, and stopped to noon at a fine
pool of water. Towards evening we reached the Rio Mar-
caides and encamped. Here we found a large trail and
wagon road leading up to the river. This is a beautiful,
clear, running stream, abounding in fish, and at this point
is 20 feet wide and 1 ft. deep. Distance, 16 miles — 2572.

Monday, Sept. 24. — Unwell during the night and feel
bad this morning. Going up the river some distance, we left
it and turned to the right, on the road leading to the Mara-
posa mines. It had been our intention to stop on the Mar-
caides, but having become so accustomed to traveling we
could not halt. Like the sailor, we would be out of our

98. These men, Scott and Montgomery, we are unable to identify.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 343

latitude in any other business. We saw where some washing
had been done, but nobody was at work. Traveled over a
mountainous country, partly covered with stunted oak, pine
and other timber. The earth is of a reddish cast, clay and
gravel, with slate and quartz rock cropping out in places.
We nooned at a spring by the wayside. Here we met persons
going to and from the mines, and have heard the first unfa-
vorable side of the story; which of course we did [not]
relish. Several persons from more northern diggings said,
"we have heard that rich deposits of gold have been dis-
covered in the Maraposa region, and we are on our way
thither, to get some of the big lump; for in the Towalume
diggings, which we have just left, we can't make more than
an ounce a day to do our best, and that won't pay salt."

"It is all a d d lie about their discovering rich diggings

in the Maraposa region," said another man. "I've just come
from there myself, nine-tenths of those at work are not
actually making their bread, and it's a rare chance that a
man makes an ounce a day. If I hadn't left when I did I
should have starved. I'm bound for the Towalume diggings
myself. A friend of mine has just returned from there, and
says that he can make two or three ounces a day easy. And
if I can't make that, an ounce a day, as you say a man can
make, it is better than to work for nothing in the cursed
Maraposa diggings." And thus the conversation ran on.
We "pricked up our ears," for we found out that this gold
question, like many others, has two sides, and can be dis-
cussed. Another poor fellow inquired the distance to Scott's
ranch; said that he tried his luck in the diggings, and was
satisfied that there was none for him, that he was now on
his way to San Francisco to start home, and if God would
let him live long enough to get out of the country, he would
never want to hear the word "gold dust" mentioned. These
were knock-down arguments, but we have traveled some
five thousand miles to "see the sights," and see it we would.
Accordingly we proceeded on our journey and encamped
near a spring on the mountains. I have kept up with the
company but a small portion of the day, having frequent
very sick spells, when I would be obliged to alight and lay
down in the shade until better. When I reached camp I was
much fatigued and very weak. Distance, 16 miles — 2588.

Tuesday, Sept. 25. — Unwell all night. Packed up this
morning for the last time, we hope, (until ready to vamose
from the diggings), and continued our journey over a moun-
tainous country. Met a number of Americans and Span-
iards packing from the mines, and passed others on their

844 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

way thither, heavily laden with provisions, merchandise.
etc. Passed a number of dry diggings, at present unworked
for want of water. The amount of earth thrown up appears
almost incredible; the bed of almost every ravine and gulch
is turned over. About 2 o'clock wo reached tho foot of tho
arroyo, known as Fremont's diggings, and "dropped anchor'*
in sight of the "promised land," after the lapse of seven
months since leaving home, and an overland journey of
twenty-six hundred (2600) miles.

May 24, 1850. — My log-book, or "notes by the way,"
ended with our journey; but our experience since arriving
in the country, and what we have "seen and heard," may
prove interesting for future reference, in noting which. 1 am
satisfied that an occasional leisure hour will not be entirely
misspent. I can say for our mess that 1 never hoard a man
(save one) regret the adventure, either on road or since;
but have heard scores by the way almost curse the day that
they ventured upon the hazardous and foolhardy enterprise,
and had they known what they were obliged to endure, all
the gold in California could not have enticed them from
home.

Our experience at gold digging was short and unsuc-
cessful. The day after we arrived at Maraposa mines, we
moved camp to a spot we had selected, upon the point of a
rocky bluff, overlooking a large part of the gulch in which
digging was going on. Here we "set up stakes," or rather
lay down our empty, worn-out packs, beneath the imperfect
shade of several small oak trees. We had no tent, nor had
we slept under coyer since leaving Santa Fe. There was no
grass in the vicinity, and the Indians were stealing animals
every night and driving them off into the mountains. We
concluded to send our mules to Scott's ranch on the Mar-
caides, where we could have them run with a "caballada,"
upon the range, at $8 per month each, and no security for
their safe keeping. Our first business was to purchase a
supply of provisions. There were several stores in the place.
some in tents, others in the open air. We found prices to
range pretty much as follows: Tea, $fl ; Hour, 50c per pound ;
pork, 75c; saleratus. $S per pound, etc. This was said to be
very cheap, and really was, but at the time we thought it
sank pretty deep into the small remnant of "coined dust" we
had brought with us. It cost about $2 per day to live, and
do our own cooking. We were surprised to see how willing
merchants were to credit persons coming into tho mines
with provisions, tools, etc., and also noticed that the miners

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 345

were not in the habit of paying cash, but settled their bills
at the end of the week or month. Our next step was to take
a walk through the diggings, see how they did it, what tools
were required, and select a spot to commence operations.
The first hole that attracted our attention was at a narrow
point in the arroyo, and from the appearance of the rock on
either side, a ledge once obstructed the passage of the
stream, which is now so low that the water appears only at
intervals, and sinks. In this place there were three persons
at work. They sunk the hole some 8 or 10 feet deep; one
was engaged in bailing out water, another was scraping
up the gravel and sand in the bottom, and the third washed
it out in a wooden bowl. We saw him washing out several
times, and always had from half an ounce to two ounces.
This we thought "first rate luck," but they worked hard for
it, and were wet from head to foot. Several persons were
working with them, with tolerable success. We went a little
farther up the gulch, and stopped to inquire of a man what
luck. He was taking out about an ounce per day. Another
man was at work opening a new hole; he said that he had
worked three weeks in a hole some distance above, and made
but a few dollars. If he didn't have better luck this time he
would leave for some other diggings. Here the Sonorians
were at work, burrowing under the ground, and working
very slowly and carefully collecting none but the earth
containing gold, which they packed off to water upon their
heads. The Americans seldom work in the dry diggings.
We saw a number of machines at work with varied success.
They consisted of a rocker or cradle, dug out of a pine log,
placed in a slanting position, and put in motion by means of
a lever. The earth and water is poured in at the upper end,
passes through a copper or sheet iron sieve, and runs off at
the lower end, the gold and some sand settled to the bottom
and is retained by several cross pieces or shoulders, left on
the bottom when dug out. We soon became satisfied looking
at others, and also satisfied that the larger portion of those
at work were making but little more than board. We sup-
plied ourselves with the necessary tools and went to work.
Paid $16 for a crowbar, $8 for a shovel, etc.

Opening a hole in these diggings was a pretty difficult
job. It was not worth while to clear off a large spot, for it
would only be by chance that we would find gold at the
bottom, and the stone and clay were closely cemented to-
gether, making the digging very hard. When we reached
the rock we found that a "knife" was necessary to dig out
the crevices, and a "horn spoon" to scrape it up. I tried wash-

346 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

ing, but when I had all the earth and sand out of the pan,
there was no gold in the bottom. I gave that part of the play
up in despair, having never washed out a peck. We sank
several holes, all with like ill success. While we were in the
mines the total earnings of three of us was about $40, and
our expenses $100. These mines are 80 miles distant from
Stockton and 180 miles from San Francisco by land. Col.
Fremont holds a claim of 100 square miles, which he pur-
chased of the Spanish governor of California." This covers
the most valuable portion of the Maraposa gold regions.
His partner Mr. Godey had a store here, and a large number
of Indians employed at digging.100 He had discovered a large
vein of quartz rock said to be rich in ore, and has erected a
rude machine for crushing it. From what we could learn
there were about 200 Americans and as many foreigners
and Indians at work in these diggings. The Americans were
mostly from Texas and other southern states. The entire
population appeared orderly and well disposed. The men
went about their work, leaving camp, their provisions and
money to take care of themselves. It is seldom that punish-
ment is necessary in the mines, but when required, I am told
that the Lynch law is immediately put in force, and of-
fenders may expect a "rough handling." There was a good
deal of liquor sold, at 50c per glass and $5 per bottle. There
was a man buried a short distance from our camp who died
from the effects of drink at these prices.

On Sunday there was an election for alcalde, and an
auction. I saw panol bought at $10 per 100 pounds for horse
feed. The Mexicans prepare it by roasting the wheat
before grinding it, and eat it with sugar and water. We saw
very few men digging on the Sabbath ; with the above excep-
tions, the day was pretty well observed. In the evening,
when nothing was to be seen but the many camp-fires, and
all was still but the low hum of conversation as it came up
from the different groups around the lights, and at once,
from the opposite side of the arroyo, a loud, musical voice
stuck up,

"On Jordon's stormy banks I stand, etc."
It sounded strange, and yet familiar, in this wild, pent-up

99. The reference is to Governor Pio Pico. See H. H. Bancroft, History of
California, vi, 552, note. "Under the Mexican law, such a grant as Fremont had
obtained gave no title to mineral rights, and public opinion regarded placer deposits,
no matter on whose land, as general and unrestricted property." — Nevins, Fr4-
mont, 436.

100. The man here called "partner" was Alexander Godey, for years a close
friend and associate of Fremont.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 347

corner of the world. As the sound rolled along the gulch,
and reverberated from the hill and mountain, it reminded
us of "good old Methodist times'* at home, and we concluded
that the singer must be one of 'em.

CHAPTER XXII

Green, Howard and Fox, who worked together, were
more lucky in digging than Musser, Schaffle and myself.
Howard picked up a piece containing some quartz which
weighed nine ounces. I saw one piece that weighed five
pounds, and several others weighing 3, 2 and 1 pounds.
Mr. Armstrong became dissatisfied with the country and
diggings and made up his mind to go home. I believe he
never struck a blow nor washed a grain. He had been unwell
for some days. We were sorry to see him leave. He had been
a good fellow and deserved the best wishes of us all. I
suffered more from sickness during the two weeks I re-
mained in the mines than I had for many years previous.
Howard, Musser and Fox were also unwell. Indeed, we did
not know the condition to which our systems had been
reduced by the fatigues of traveling, and scanty allowance
of food, until we attempted to work. Fearing that we would
not recover until we got out of the place, Musser and myself
concluded to go "down country," see San Francisco, Stock-
ton, get our "news," purchase a tent and supply of pro-
visions, pack them into the mines, and winter there.
Accordingly, we got up "Old Whitey," for whose board we
had been paying 50 cents per day, with the privilege of
browsing upon the mountains, packed several saddles, blan-
kets, saddle-bags, empty packs, lariats, and provisions upon
her back, and started on foot, leaving Green, Howard,
Schaffle and Fox in the mines.

Nothing particular occurred and we reached Scott's
ranch on the evening of the second day — we had traveled
very slow on account of our weakness. Part of their "ca-
ballada" having gone astray, we were detained here two
days hunting our mules. We mounted two of the best
animals, which had improved considerably, and set out from
the ranch in the afternoon; our course north, over a high,
barren plain. We had no road, and when night set in the
heavens clouded over and a slight sprinkle of rain fell.
This was on the llth of October, and the first rain of the
season. We managed to keep our course in the darkness
until we reached the Towalume river. We groped our way
down the bluff and encamped on the flat, i. e. lay down in

348 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

the rain, beneath a large tree, where the big drops pelted us
all night. The Towalume river resembles the Marcaides in
many particulars: perhaps more timber growing on the
flat. We descended the stream several miles, found a cross-
ing, and continued down the north side. Passed an Indian
"rancheria," where they had constructed a very ingenious
fish trap, upon which they depend for subsistence, until the
acorns ripen and grasshoppers grow fat. The wild Indians
of California are the most miserable looking, indolent and
degraded portion of that race of people I have seen since
leaving the frontiers of the States. We stopped about noon
at a tent, a few miles from the south of the river, to graze
our animals. Here we saw Mr. Armstrong's mule, saddle,
etc. Upon inquiry we learned that he had lain sick here for
several days, sold his mule, etc., and proceeded on foot for
Stockton this morning. We were apprehensive at first that
something of a still more serious nature had happened him.
Struck out in a N. W. course for the Stanislaus river,101 over
another high, dry, barren plain. Reached the lower ferry
about dusk, where we forded the stream. Could get nothing
to eat, and being out of provisions, we applied to a ferryman
— a most forbidding looking Irishman, who immediately
shared his scanty meal with us. We offered to pay him, but
he refused to take anything, saying that we should do like-
wise at the first opportunity, etc. We took the advice and
had another proof that appearances often deceive. We trav-
eled down the river some miles after dark, in search of
grass. About 9 o'clock we spied a light, and on coming up to
it, found a number of Spaniards encamped, and turned in
with them.

In the morning we again struck out across the plain,
and about 3 o'clock p. m. reached the lower ferry on the San
Joaquin river. This ferry is owned by three young men,
Bonsall, Doak and Scott, and is a very valuable property.
Mr. Bonsall, who left Clearfield Co., Pa., when a boy, and
has since worked in the lead mines of Mo., told me the other
day, that he had been offered $10,000 to drop his interest in
the concern, and "take his bones out of the country." Here
we intersected the main land route between San Francisco,
San Jose and Stockton, or in other words, between the
northern and southern portions of California, and divided
by the bay of San Francisco. After taking dinner, we
ferried over, at $1 each for man and mule. Stopped at
McCaffrey's Tent, or the "Elkhorn Inn of the San Joaquin,"

101. The Stanislaus river is about 20 mis. south of Stockton, near the modern
Hetch Hetchy aqueduct.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 349

as he was pleased to call it, (San Hwa-keen, J always having
the sound of H in the "Lingua Espanol.") In the morning
after breakfasting upon salt pork, sea biscuit, and coffee,
for which we paid $1.50 each, we again packed our mules
and pursued our way. The road was very fine, over a level
plain, to the mountains on the west of the valley, and
appeared lined with travel. The distance across this range
of bald mountains is about 8 miles. The ascent and descent
very gradual, except the dividing ridge, which is some-
what abrupt. Nooned at a spring on the mountains, and
reached Livermore's ranch in the evening. Mr. Livermore
was formerly an English sailor, and has resided in the
country some 30 years. He has a Spanish wife, and his
"cassa" and everything about him look California like. We
lay down upon the ground floor to sleep, but couldn't. In
the morning we learned that it was "only the fleas" that
annoyed us. This country is actually pulluted with fleas,
body lice, bed bugs, ticks and other vermin. It is a current
joke, that previous to the war, the "coatis [coyotes] and
fleas held possession of the country."

After leaving Livermore's ranch we crossed a plain
two leagues in width, on which thousands of cattle were
grazing, and then entered a range of hills, covered with wild
oats. The place is known as "Amador's Pass" and was the
handsomest spot we had seen in California. A small stream
of clear, cold water flows E. in the direction of the road,
along which are several flats and groves of large California
oaks. Passed Senol's ranch, crossed a high range of hills and
descended into the Mission of San Jose.102 This, like all the
California missions, is partly in ruins. We purchased some
fruit of the old Frenchman in charge of the orchard and
vineyard, and pursued our way towards Pueblo, which we
reached about sundown.103 Put up at the U. S. hotel and
slept in a haystack, $2 for a bed being more than we could
afford. This place is handsomely situated in the centre of
the valley. The majority of the inhabitants are Spaniards,
Chilians, Sonorians, etc., but Americans are fast settling
here, and during this season a great many buildings have
been put up. It has been decided upon as the seat of gov-
ernment. Here we were first reminded of the "land we
hailed from," by neat frame houses, well furnished, tables

102. Heading west, they crossed the Diablo Range. The mission of San Jose
(founded June 11, 1797) lay about midway between modern Oakland (to the north)
and the pueblo of San Jose (to the south, near the southern end of the great bay).

103. There will be more regarding the Pueblo in the following chapter.

350 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

set a la mode, pleasure carriages, women dressed in silks,
men in broadcloths, etc.

Three miles from Pueblo we passed through Santa
Clara.104 This mission is beautifully located, the land around
is fertile, and as there are no Spanish claims upon it, a
great many Americans are "squatting" here, expecting the
lands to become government property. We had dinner at
Mr. Wistman's, and here, for the first time since leaving
home, sat down to a meal prepared by the hands of Amer-
ican females. Mr. Wistman came to the country in '46,
settled here, and now owns a fine, well stocked ranch.
Wealth and prosperity has grown up about him. Lodged at
the "Old Missions," a large, lone adobe building, in which a
New Yorker has taken quarters and opened a house of
entertainment. Whether this ever was a mission, or only
goes by that name, I have never learned. It is situated 20
miles from San Francisco. Passed Jose Sanchez's ranch,
after which the country became more barren in appearance.

On ascending the hill bordering on the bay we had a
fine view of the Golden Gate, through which the tide was
ebbing, with a noise resembling thunder. We could see the
Pacific ocean in the distance raising up mountain like, and
bounding the horizon on the west. The "Mission Dolores"
lay in our way, situated 3 miles from San Francisco.105 The
lands around this mission are also being fast taken up by
American settlers. Shortly afterwards we entered the chap-
perel [chaparal'] and sand hills. The sand is very deep, and
a team can do little more than draw an empty wagon
through it. On reaching the summit of the last sand hill the
City of San Francisco, bay, harbor, and shipping burst upon
our view. The appearance and magnitude of the place far
exceed the most liberal ideas we had formed of it. We were
almost lost in wonder as we urged our wearied mules
through the crowd in one of the principal streets and gazed
upon the large and even elegant buildings, the display of
signs and merchandise, and the moving mass of human
beings of every caste and tongue. We were almost deafened
with the hum of business, the noise of the saw and hammer,
rattling of cart wheels, and the jingle of money in the
exchange offices and gambling houses. We kept along
through several of the streets, gazing at everything that

104. Santa Clara de Asfs mission was founded Jan. 12, 1777, and therefore ante-
dated the Pueblo of San Jose (founded Nov. 29, 1777). See Caughey, op. cit., 164-165.

105. By "Dolores" is meant the mission of San Francisco de Asfs (founded Oct.
9, 1776). In the founding of San Francisco, Capt. J. B. de Anza picked Fort Point
for the presidio and the "Arroyo de los Dolores" for the mission. Caughey, op. cit.,
156-157.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 351

attracted our attention "with eyes and mouth open," not
forgetting that we should look up a stopping place, and that
we were "out" in the garb of mountaineers. We put up at
a hotel; boarding $14 per week, mule feed the same price.
Our first business was to go to the postoffice and "get our
news." The answer, "Nothing for you, sir," took us all
aback. Could it be possible that our friends, after making
so many promises, had neglected or forgotten us? It was a
cruel disappointment. We afterwards learned that no mails
had been received from the States for several months.

In strolling around town we observed a striped pole.
This was something to my mind, for I had neither shaved
nor trimmed my beard since leaving the Mississippi. The
fee was a dollar, and well earned, for razor after razor was
laid aside — no doubt but some sands of the Gila re-
mained in it.

CHAPTER XXIII

On our way down we had concluded to stop at Pueblo
and get into some business, and after remaining in San
Francisco three or four days we returned to Pueblo San
Jose. Here we were advised by several Americans to com-
mence butchering. We soon found that we could not talk
enough Spanish to purchase cattle, and gave up the* idea.
The Spanish know but little about the honors and laws of
trade. If they were in need of money they will sell their
property for a trifling sum to get it ; but if a person wishes
to purchase of them, and they do not want for money, no
price will buy it.

We made up our minds to return to the diggings and
make the most of it during the winter. Nothing particular
occurred until we reached the mines, except after crossing
the San Joaquin, rain commenced falling and continued at
intervals for a number of days. Our clothes and blankets
were kept constantly wet, in which we had to sleep ; but by
this time we were well and were very much recruited. We
were also lost between the Towalume and Mercaides rivers,
which is a very common occurrence on these plains. The
trails through the mountains were so much softened by the
rain that our mules frequently sank to their bellies. When
we reached the diggings we found that Fremont's gulch
was drowned out, and the miners were leaving for Agua
Frio, the dry diggings several miles distant. Things pre-
sented a most squalid appearance. We were perfectly dis-
gusted with the mines, and determined to pack up our traps
and move down country, where we could encamp during the

352 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

rainy season. During our absence Green and Howard had
left the mines and gone to Stockton, taking Franklin with
them. Fred and Fox were left, and they had not been able
to make their board. While on our way down we lived upon
salmon, an excellent fish, which is so abundant in the Mer-
caides, Towalume and Stanislaus rivers that we killed them
with clubs and stones, when ascending the shoals.

Fox found employment at Bonsai's ferry. John, Fred
and myself came on down and encamped at the forks of the
Stockton and Benecia roads, in Amador's Pass. Two of us
went down to Pueblo and invested our remaining funds
(about $200) in a tent and provisions, which we packed up
upon our mules. We put up a pole frame, over which we
stretched our canvas. The public, thinking that we were
"in the business," began to call for meals, provisions, lodg-
ing, etc., and thinking it as well to be employed as idle, we
killed a beef, put the kettle on the fire, and dealt out meat,
hard bread, sugar, flour, etc. Ten days afterwards I started
to San Francisco to purchase supplies with six hundred
dollars in my pocket. There I found Green and Howard.
They had clubbed together with Jesse Thomas and a Mr.
Jacobs, of Huntingdon Co., Pa., and were keeping bachelor's
hall, in a small room for which they paid $75 per month
rent. Major Green had been very unwell, but was recover-
ing from the typhoid fever. Dr. Winston was attending
him. I also met Maj. Beck, Jas. Duncan, Jno. Hayes, Mr.
Kelly and Mr. Smith, of the Lewistown company. They
started from home after us, and had a pleasant trip through
Mexico, and arrived at San Francisco early in July. They
had all been to the diggings and were more or less success-
ful. It was really gratifying to meet so many persons from
the neighborhood of home.

There had been a great change in the place since I had
been there before — a period of six weeks. A great number
of buildings had been put up, and large blocks of houses
covered what were then vacant lots. The town was "full
of people," half of the buildings being occupied as boarding
and gambling houses. Board was from $20 to $40 per week ;
rents exhorbitantly high; business of all kinds brisk, and
merchandise commanded good prices. The gambling houses
were thronged, and as these were the only place of resort,
many persons entirely averse of gambling were induced to
patronize the "banks." Money on loan was worth from 10
to 15 per cent, a month. Lots that were purchased two
years ago for $16, sold for $40,000 ; timber commands $400
per M. feet, etc.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 353

I made an arrangement for the goods we had shipped
from Philadelphia, and redeemed them. The extreme, stor-
age, etc., were trade of the northern mining region.106 Dur-
ing the rainy season, Sacramento was overflowed, and great
deal of property destroyed. The rise in the river, from the
melting snow, has again deluged the place, in defiance of
their efforts to keep out by embankments.

The founding of these towns has been so successful, and
profitable to the projectors, that a great many "would like
to be" speculators have laid out cities in various parts of
the country, on mining streams and the principal rivers,
advertise their many advantages, as to location, etc., make
"sham sales," and use every effort to induce the "green 'uns"
to take the bait. I could enumerate perhaps fifty that have
been laid out within the last year, and lots for sale — the
majority of which, will never pay the expenses of surveying.

Three-fourths of the people in the country say, "that if
we can get what gold we want, we will play quits with
California." They do not care about investing their money
in uncertain real estate. The majority of persons that emi-
grated to the country in the year '46 and prior to that, have
settled upon lands in various parts of the country, and
having the advantage of the first opening of the mines, are
now wealthy, almost without an effort. I have been amused
at several of these "old settlers," as they are called, talking
about going to the States to "see the country," and if they
"like it" they "will move." Within the last [. . .] three
or four greater than the first cost.107 I shipped them on a
launch to the Mission Embarkadero, 40 miles distant, and
six hours sail, for $2.00 per cwt. The distance from the
anchor ground to the beach, is a serious drawback upon the
port of San Francisco. A great many goods shipped, did
not pay for getting them ashore. One ship master, bought
up a lot of mess beef, as the cheapest article he could get for
ballast. Another who had brought out a lot of coal as ballast,
retained it, although it was worth $50 per ton. The beach is
the form of a crescent. The town is handsomely situated,
but there is little room to extend it, unless they build upon
the sand hills in the rear of the place. Water lots sold at an
enormous price, on which large mercantile houses are built,
upon piles. The buildings are generally of very flimsy
structure. While I was there, a fire broke out, and laid a
square in ruins. Before it had done burning, contracts were

106. This is unintelligible, — due evidently to some carelessness in the printing of
Chamberlin's notes at Lewisburg in 1902.

107. Again some failure to reproduce the notes correctly is evident.

354 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

made for new buildings, and the lumber drawing upon the
ground. In less than a fortnight, many of them were com-
pleted, and gambling and other business resumed as though
nothing had happened. Three weeks ago, another more
disastrous fire visited the place; almost half of the city was
burned. It is already rebuilt, and the marks of the fire can
scarcely be seen. This shows a spirit of energy and per-
severance on the part of her citizens, scarcely if ever
equalled.

When I was about to leave the place, Maj. Green had a
severe attack of the diarrhoea (a prevailing and frequently
fatal disease in this country) which, in his already weak
condition, soon made him one of its victims. California may
do to stay, or even to live in, but when death calls upon the
wanderer, separated by thousands of miles from his family
and friends, it is a hard country to die in. It was with
feelings of indescribable sorrow, that I followed the body
of my friend to the grave. His remains and those of James
Banks, Esq., of Lewistown, Pa., rest side by side in the
Russian burying ground.

CHAPTER XXIV

Some weeks ago, business obliged me to go to Stockton.
That place was situated on a level plain, and borders on a
lagoon, which connects with the Bay of Francisco. The
place was then almost sunk in mud, but during the dry
seasons is very pleasant. The majority of the houses were
canvass, but a large number of good buildings had already
gone up. Vessels of a large size, can ascend the slue, and
discharge freight with ease and little expense. Since the
business season has opened, real estate has risen in value,
and many buildings are being erected. It is the emporium of
trade for the southern and part of the middle mines.

I have never as yet been as far north as Sacramento
City. It is said to be the largest town in California, and con-
centrates [sic] the years, the great changes that have taken
place in the country, the excitement of business, the abun-
dance of money, etc., are so very different to everything
experienced in the States, that persons would find it difficult
to content themselves where time rolls on without any
sensible changes, in the order of things, more especially if
they had left indigent homes, and have enjoyed independ-
ence and affluence here.

The markets of this country, are very fluctuating. The
supplies from the States and foreign countries are irregular,

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 355

and the price of an article depends entirely upon the quan-
tity in market, or the ability of speculators to monopolize.
Three months ago lumber was worth $400 per M. feet by
the cargo, it can now be bought for $40. Flour was then
worth $40 per bbl. now $8 to $10. At the same time sugar
and coffee were selling at 10 to 12 cts. per Ib. ; now it is
scarce at 40 cts. All the scythes and snaths in market could
have been purchased for $10, at that time ; a few days ago
we were in San Francisco, and wished to buy one, (a scythe
and snath,) the merchant asked $60 for it; we offered him
$50 ; in the mean time, another person in search of the same
article, stepped in and inquired the price of it; $70 was
asked, the price paid, and he walked off with his bargain.
The best flour in market, and that which commands the
highest price, is brought from Chili, S. A. Fruit, vegetables,
sugar, etc., from the Sandwich Islands ; lumber, fish, butter
and some vegetables from Oregon ; silks, teas, fancy articles
and drygoods of various kinds from China. Three-fourths
of all the merchandise consumed here, is received from the
United States, England and France. This includes lumber,
breadstuffs, meats, liquors, and other groceries, heavy dry-
goods, clothing, hardware, etc., etc. The products of all
countries in the world can be had, and representatives from
the same be seen, in California.

It is amusing to notice the change in occupations and
mode of living experienced by persons coming to this coun-
try. Men of all professions, trades and employments, be-
come merchants, gamblers, farmers, watermen, teamsters,
day laborers, etc., and as a first and last resort, the mines.
A physician works in the diggings because he finds it more
profitable than his profession: a lawyer runs a launch on
the bay ; a preacher keeps hotel, or a farmer "deals monte,"
all for the same reason. While in San Francisco last winter
I saw a man of perhaps fifty years of age engaged in patch-
ing the leaking roof and mending the sidewalk of the
boarding house at which I stopped. I saw he drank a great
deal, but was talkative and intelligent. Upon getting into
conversation with him I found that he was a lawyer of
Pennsylvania, where he had been a successful practitioner
for many years, and had been employed as counsel in several
important cases, in connection with Hon. Ellis Lewis.108

108. The Hon. Ellis Lewis (1798-1871) was a Pennsylvania jurist, a staunch
Democrat all his life. The governor appointed him (1833) state attorney general, but
within a few months he succeeded to the office of presiding judge of the 8tTi
judicial district and later (1843) held the same office in the 2nd judicial district. In
1848, he published An abridgement of the criminal law of the United States. — Diet, of
Am, Biog.

356 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

The amount of water crafts upon San Francisco bay,
and the rivers, is almost incredible. Thousands of boats and
launches are in the trade, and ascend some of the rivers to
the mines. About twenty-five steam boats are now plying
between the various points of commerce, carrying passen-
gers and freight. It is said that the boat "Senator" cleared
as high as $30,000 per trip. She runs between San Fran-
cisco and Sacramento city, and goes through and back
within two days.

Those portions of California adapted to agriculture are
generally covered with Spanish claims, which if acknowl-
edged valid by the American Government will for a while
prove a hindrance to the settlement and prosperity of the
country. But Spanish ignorance, indolence, and jealousy
cannot hold out long against the ingenuity and enterprise
of the Yankees, many of whom have already contrived to
"get into the affections"^ of the "Dons." Taxes upon their
100 square miles, and American gamblers, (who won't play
a "fair game") 109 into their purse and herds of cattle will
soon have the desired effect. Then instead of these vermin-
beset, adobe casas, see a country dotted over with neat,
comfortable farm houses, gardens, fruit trees, and culti-
vated fields. But all these things will depend entirely upon
two things — whether the soil will produce without irriga-
tion, and the continuance and yield of the gold mines; for
California must depend upon a home market for her
products. The latter, time will tell; the former will be
known soon, for there are a number of persons engaged in
farming. The soil produces without [irrigating] water, but
whether in quantity or quality sufficient to warrant cultiva-
tion is not known. Should California become one of the
United States, the wealth of the mines continue, and the
earth yield abundantly, nothing will be wanting to make
her the most populous, wealthy, and 'flourishing State in the
Union in a few years.

A national railroad from the Mississippi river to the
Pacific ocean would certainly be of great advantage to the
country, and more closely connect the interests of her
extended territory, if the great work could be accomplished.
I see that it is a subject much agitated in the States and
many persons there believe we will soon see locomotives and
trains of cars " 'hopping' the rivers and 'skipping' over
the plains and 'jumping' the Sierra Nevada mountains." It
will do to talk in that way, but from what little knowledge

109. There has been an evident omission of some words in printing. Insert
"making inroads" or some such expression.

FROM LEWISBURG TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849 357

I have of the country I would be willing to wager all I
expect to make in California that the undertaking will not
be completed, if begun, within the nineteenth century. And
if the opinions of men who have traveled every known over-
land route are of any weight, not one out of a hundred that
I have heard will admit that it is at all practicable. The
broad plains and deserts, the deep arroyos, the wide, sandy
beds of rivers, the many mountains, the most formidable of
which is the Sierra Nevada, whose summit towers above the
regions of perpetual snow, the scarcity of material for con-
structing it, and the distance, are obstacles, which, in my
opinion, render even the idea absurd.110

I have "spun my yarn" to the foot of the last page, and
I now "knock off" with pleasure, lay the pen and writing
desk (the bottom of an empty wine case) aside, and resume
the hoe handle, which implement I can wield with better
grace and effect.

(THE END)

110. Chamberlin's reference above to statehood for California shows that it was
still the year 1849 when he concluded his diary. If he lived until 1869, of course he
saw realized for California this "absurd idea" of a transcontinental railroad.

NECROLOGY

NATHAN JAFFA.— Nathan Jaffa, city clerk of Las Vegas
who had served as mayor of Roswell and Santa Fe and as
New Mexico territorial secretary, died last night. He was 81.

Jaffa also had been a member of the board of regents
of New Mexico Military Institute and of New Mexico Uni-
versity.

He was a 33d degree Mason, past grand master of the
Masons of New Mexico, past grand high priest of the Royal
Anch Masons of the state and past exalted ruler of the Elks
lodge at Roswell.

Born in Germany, he came to Trinidad, Colo., in 1878.
Three years later he went to Las Vegas as manager of the
Jaffa Bros. Mercantile when he was 18. In 1884 he located
in Albuquerque and until 1886 conducted a business there.

He went to Roswell in 1886. He served as Chaves
county commissioner from 1895 to 1897 as the first Repub-
lican to win election in the county.

In 1907 he was appointed secretary of the Territory of
New Mexico by President Teddy Roosevelt. He was reap-
pointed by President Taft and held the secretaryship until
statehood. . . .

Three children and a brother survive. Mrs. Eleanor
Jaffa and Mrs. Julia Danziger, daughters, live at Las Vegas ;
and a son — Benjamin Jaffa, lives at Santa Fe. The brother
is Harry Jaffa of Roswell. — Albuquerque Tribune, Sept. 13,
1945.

358

NOTES AND COMMENTS

THE ATOMIC BOMB. — The awe-inspiring appearance of
the atomic bomb in these last months may seem to belong
to the field of current events rather than to history proper.
Yet we feel that we should not close this, our twentieth
volume, without mention of both it and the VT fuse, in the
resarch for which, and the successful perfecting of which,
New Mexico played such an important role. We shall hope,
perhaps this next year, to have some account of New
Mexico's part in World War II, and there will be no more
strange or fascinating part of that record than the story of
these two inventions. The atomic bomb has been the
more spectacular, of course. So many articles, many of
them profusely illustrated, have been published during
these last months that we offer no description of the atomic
bomb. Less spectacular and less known as to its importance
has been the VT fuse, and the reader may be glad to have
the account which follows. — L. B. B.

THE VT FUSE. — Rated by the Navy as second in scien-
tific importance only to the atomic bomb, the VT fuse,
largely developed at the University of New Mexico under
the directorship of Dr. E. J. Workman, played a leading
role in inflicting heavy damage on enemy equipment and
personnel during the war.

The VT fuse causes a shell or projectile to explode
automatically when it comes within the near vicinity of
an enemy target. Previous fuses caused shells to explode
a fixed number of seconds after firing.

Though this old type of shell was satisfactory against
fixed objects, a great many projectiles wasted their explo-
sive energies on thin air or in the earth.

The VT fuse doesn't require a direct hit. It needs only
to pass within close proximity of the target to cause an
explosion. The fuse contains a 5-tube radio set so assembled
that it remains in operation after the projectile is fired.
This fuse emits electromagnetic waves which strike the
target and are reflected back to the fuse.

359

360 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

When the time interval of emission and reflection
shows that the projectile is within 70 feet of the target, the
fuse causes the charge to be detonated.

In combatting the Nazi buzz bomb, the VT fuse played
a major part. When the V-l's came over London, the anti-
aircraft shells equipped with the fuse successively knocked
down 24, 46, 67, and then 79 per cent of the buzz bombs
in four consecutive weeks. Only four of the 104 V-l's
reached their objective on the last day the bomb was used,
the fused shells accounting for 80 per cent of those knocked
down.

The fuse is sensitive to the ground and detonates a
shell a number of feet above the heads of advancing ground
troops, being a vast improvement over the old fuse which
may explode high in the air or after it hits the ground.

The fuse was first standardized against the Nakajima 97
twin-motor Jap torpedo bomber. It was perfected against
the suicide bomber in the Okinawa campaign. It enabled
our fleet to sail into enemy waters with impunity.

A combination of radar and VT fuse is a deadly one.
Radar determines the beam that enemy planes travel and
the VT fused shells inflict a maximum of damage.

After the Battle of the Bulge, Gen. Patton said : "The
new show that the funny fuse is putting on is devastating.
The other night we caught a German battalion trying to
cross the Sauer River with a battalion concentration and
killed 702. I think when all armies get this fuse we will
have to devise some new method of warfare. I am glad
you all thought of it first. It is really a wonderful develop-
ment."

The War Department said that one of every two VT
fused rockets fired from fighter craft would bring down
an enemy plane at 1000-yard range.

Dr. Workman, director of the Research Project, began
experiments early in 1941 near Kirtland Field. Under
direction of the Office of Scientific Research and Develop-
ment, the Project contracted with OSRD, under direction
of Johns Hopkins University's Applied Physics Laboratory.

From March to December, 1941, Dr. Workman was in

NOTES AND COMMENTS 361

Washington carrying out further experiments. He re-
turned Christmas, 1941, and has been director of this
Project, which includes other secret developments, not yet
released.

The project was under technical direction of Dr. Merle
F. Tuce, director of Section T in Office of Scientific Research
and Development in Washington, D. C. Comdr. T. S.
Daniel represents the Chief of the Navy Ordnance Bureau.
The staff here includes Dr. William Hume, professor in
the University of New Mexico School of Engineering; Dr.
C. E. Hablutzel of the California Institute of Technology;
Dr. William D. Crozier of Rose Polytechnic Institute; Dr.
Henry Dunlap of Rice Institute ; Dr. Gene T. Pelsor of the
University of Oklahoma; and Dr. George E. Hansche of
Rose Polytech Institute.

The administrative staff is Allen W. Lloyd, Robert
B. Yoder, and Milburn K. Tharp.

A recent addition to the technical staff is Dr. Lennart
V. Larson of the National War Labor Board and Baylor
University.

The New Mexico Experimental Range as testing
ground is located in the foothills of the Manzano Mountains
and includes 46,000 acres.

At present between 175 and 200 are employed on this
project. Expenditures are running over $1,000,000 a year.

The first contract was in January, 1941, the second.
November, 1941, and nine supplements were added lasting
until the end of 1944. The first two contracts were between
the University of New Mexico and the Office of Scientific
Research and Development. The last one, 1945, was be-
tween the Navy and the University.

James V. Forrestal, secretary of the Navy has said:
"The proximity fuse has helped blaze the trail to Japan.
Without the protection this ingenious device gives to the
surface ships of our fleet, our westward push could not have
been so swift and the cost in men and ships would have
been immeasurably greater." — Barbara Bailey in New
Mexico Lobo, Sept. 28, 1945.

362 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Los ALAMOS RANCH SCHOOL.— As is well known, Los
Alamos was one of the three places in our country taken
over by our federal government and surrounded with the
utmost secrecy in the tremendously dangerous research
which culminated in the making of the atomic bomb. It
gives us a decidedly queer sensation to recall that, twenty
years ago, Los Alamos was a small but flourishing boys'
school secluded in the pine-forested mountains about thirty
miles from Santa Fe, and that one of our first associate
editors of this quarterly was young Fayette S. Curtis, Jr.,
graduate of Yale and headmaster of that school.

He had made it his hobby to study weapons, ancient
and modern, and two articles by him were published in our
first two volumes. His untimely death occurred in Decem-
ber 1926, and after reading "To a Forest Burial" again,
one may breathe the fervent hope that his ashes have not
been disturbed by the transformation which came to Los
Alamos through World War II. — L. B. B.

THE RAYNOLDS LIBRARY.— When the West was young,
its scarcity of wood and water made settlement so hazardous
that only adventurers, rowdies, insolvent gamblers and
disappointed lovers dared attempt it.

Such was the impression of "this strip of country" —
Santa Fe, Albuquerque and Taos — penned by pioneer
authors of the period 100 years ago. Their writings are
among a 1087-volume collection of books and periodicals
recently given to the Library of the University of New
Mexico.

Herbert F. Raynolds, former New Mexico district
judge and member of the state supreme court, who now
resides at Beverly Hills, Cal., made the gift to the library
for cataloging and preservation, Librarian Arthur M.
McAnally announced.

The rare collection dates back three generations to a
grain broker in Canton, 0., Madison Raynolds, who came
to Las Cruces in 1882 and later moved to Albuquerque.
Joshua was the present donor's father.

Among the collection are 310 volumes of such magazines

NOTES AND COMMENTS 363

as Harper's, Scribner's, Century and Horace Greeley's New
Yorker as well as 85 volumes of Stevenson, Stockton,
Kipling and other writers of the turn of the century. —
Albuquerque Journal, Oct. 5, 1945.

MORLEY ECCLESIASTICAL ART GIFT.— Three significant
and highly valuable collections pertaining to Hispanic
America were tendered the people of New Mexico through
the board of regents of the Museum of New Mexico, by
Dr. Sylvanus G. Morley and Mrs. Morley. The proffer was
accepted by Governor John J. Dempsey in afternoon cere-
monies at the Museum attended by several hundred guests
who had been invited to the opening exhibition of one of
the collections, that of Spanish Colonial ecclesiastical art in
the Historical Society section of the Palace of the Gover-
nors. A second collection, Spanish Colonial silver, was on
view in Santa Fe earlier in the summer at the Laboratory
of Anthropology. The third collection, a specialized library
of Hispanic archaeology and history numbers some twelve
hundred volumes.

The ceremonies at the museum followed a morning
meeting of the boards of the Museum and the School of
American Research, a joint annual session, at which the
Morley collections were officially offered and accepted. At
the meeting, Dr. Edgar L. Hewett, director of the Museum
since it was founded in 1909 was reflected president of
the managing committee of the school. Other officers
reflected were Paul A. F. Walter, vice president and treas-
urer, and Charles B. Barker, secretary. Dan T. Kelly is
president of the Museum regents by virtue of his office as
president of the New Mexico Archaeological Society.

Following a preview of the Morley collection of ecclesi-
astical art, the invited guests gathered in the patio of the
Palace of the Governors. The archbishop of Santa Fe, the
Most Reverend Edwin V. Byrne, delivered a scholarly dis-
course on "Christian Symbolism," in which he made many
references to specific pieces in the Morley exhibition. He
pointed out particularly that many items in the collection
bear the crest of the order of Mercedarians, a Catholic

364 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

order of priests founded about 1200 A. D. Columbus
brought the first members of the order to the New World
on his second voyage in 1493, and in the following cen-
turies they gradually spread over most of Latin America.
The collection consists chiefly of pieces of the 17th and
18th centuries. Included are various altar pieces, vest-
ments, crucifixes, plaques, statuary, chairs, benches and
paintings.

Gilbert Espinosa, Albuquerque lawyer and a member
of the Museum board of regents, read the communication
from Dr. Morley offering the collection. In the communica-
tion Morley spoke feelingly of his and Mrs. Morley 's love
for New Mexico and its native people, of their interest in
the artifacts and art of Spanish culture, and finally of
"deep respect and sincere, affection" for Dr. Hewett, "My
first chief in my chosen profession, just as the School
of American Research and the Museum of New Mexico
were the first institutions to offer me employment therein."

Governor Dempsey in accepting the collections on
behalf of the regents of the Museum and the people of
New Mexico expressed great appreciation, predicted con-
tinued growth of similar collections at the Museum, fol-
lowing the national recognition these collections would
bring. He spoke of the wise direction of the museum under
Dr. Hewett that has made the institution widely known
and its work esteemed.

Dr. Hewett closed the program with a short speech
addressed directly to Dr. Morley. He announced that
Morley had been elected a patron of the institution. He
spoke of Morley's first arrival in New Mexico thirty-eight
years ago to begin his archaeological work, complimented
him on the renown he has since attained and assured him
his collections, housed in the "venerable Palace of the
Governors, fortress and castle for three centuries, now
dedicated to the conservation of culture of the past" would
be safely cherished and cared for.

The women's museum board served tea, beautifully
appointed, in the patio, following the program.

At the morning session of the boards. Paul A. F.

NOTES AND COMMENTS 365

Walter offered the resolution electing Morley a patron
and accompanied it with the following statement:

"In presenting this resolution I cannot help recalling
with nostalgia the delightful summer camp in the Rito
de los Frijoles to which the youthful Morley came as a
research fellow of Harvard. In camp he impressed a
distinguished group of scientists and scholars, and a class
of up-and-coming archaeologists, with his zeal and single-
ness of purpose, his firm convictions and skill in presenting
his point of view. At the same time his courtesy even in
difficult situations, was unfailing, and his persistent indus-
try gave promise of his fruitful field work under Director
Hewett at Quirigua in Guatemala, where he unraveled
with painstaking effort the intricacies of Maya chronological
glyphs, dating the monuments and laying the foundation
for the modern research in Maya archaeology and history.
For five years more, on the staff of the School of American
Research, he continued to add to man's knowledge of the
remarkable ancient culture of the Mayas, as manifest in
the great ruins of Copan, Uxmal, Chichen Itza and other
Maya palace and temple cities, some of them rediscovered
by him in Peten, Quintana Roo and Yucatan. In the years
that followed, as research associate of the Carnegie Institu-
tion of Washington, in charge of its expeditions and as
director of the Chichen Itza project, he added to his renown
which had become international in scope, and shed luster
upon the institutions he has served. Nor do I forget his
meticulous report on the McElmo canyon ruins of south-
western Colorado, his illustrated monograph on Santa Fe
architecture which contributed so materially toward making
his beloved Santa Fe a City Different, and which after a
quarter of a century is still in demand and shortly to appear
in a second edition by the Historical Society of New
Mexico. His learned publications on Maya archaeology are
classics in that field. His war service, 1917 to 1919, in the
office of Naval Intelligence, first as ensign, then in higher
grade, was commended. To us common folk, here at home,
Dr. Morley has endeared himself by his loyalty to our

366 NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

institutions, his genial ways, his love of Santa Fe and his
friendship for his associates of the years gone by."

MEXICO FIELD SCHOOL SESSION. — The University of
New Mexico participated in a field school session at the
National Autonomous University of Mexico during the sum-
mer of 1945. Three American universities participated in
the field school ; namely, the University of New Mexico, the
University of Michigan, and the University of Texas. The
University of New Mexico sent two professors, Dean G. P.
Hammond and Dr. D. D. Brand ; the University of Michigan
also sent two, Dr. A. S. Aiton and Dr. L. C. Stuart. The
University of Texas sent ten, headed by Dr. Charles W.
Hackett, professor of Latin American history and chairman
of the field school.

Professor H. E. Bolton, of the University of California,
conducted a special seminar for Mexican students in Mexico
City during the months of July and August. Professor
Bolton's 75th birthday anniversary was celebrated during
his stay in Mexico by a number of his former students and
by a distinguished group of Mexican friends. Professor
Bolton, was as youthful, vigorous, and enthusiastic as
always.— G. P. H.

ERRATA

Page 62, line 11, for Salmaron read Salmer6n
Page 109, line 12, after Church insert who lived
Page 131, transpose lines 1-2 to follow line 24
Page 140, 28, for visit read visited
Page 271, line 3, for Edwin read Edward

367

NEW MEXICO
HISTORICAL REVIEW

INDEX

Abo, mission started, 66, 68; friars at, 69

(note) ; 74
Acevedo, Fray Francisco de, 68, 70, 71,

81 (note)
Acoma, mission started, 73 ; friars at, 81,

note; pupils at Albuquerque (1887), 121
Aguado, Fray Antonio de, at Ab6 (1659),

69, note

Aguirre, Fray Bernardo de 58, 60, 61, 62, 63
Alameda pueblo, had convent (1635), 64

(note)
Alamillo, mission work, 81 ; friars at, 81,

note
Albuquerque, and U. S. Indian School

(1880), 111-113

Alburquerque, Old, in 1849. 146
Aliri, Fray Sebastian de, at Tajique (1672),

74, note

Allen, Edgar A., supt. (1897-1900) Albu-
querque Indian School, 128-130
Allen James K., supt. (1903-6) Albuquer-
que Indian School, 132-137
Alvarado, Fray Tomas de, at Jemez (1669).

77, note; at Senecu (1667), 81, note
Americas, The, new Franciscan quarterly,

105

Anton Chico, mention (1849), 50, note
Apaches, and horses, 1-13 passim,; Mescalero

pupils at Albuquerque, (1887), 120, 121,

use of saddles, 138-143 passim; met by

'49ers, 154-5, 157-9, 169-170
aparejo, 145
Aranda, Fray Antonio de, at Galisteo

(1640), 64, note

Archeveque, Juan de, mention, 188
Armijo, Manuel, "palace" in Old Alburquer-
que (1849), 147 and note
Armstrong, , joined Lewisburg party

(1849) to California, 25; 34, 180, 348
Arteaga, Fray Antonio de, 70, 71, 80
Arvide, Fray Martin de, 62, 63, 67, 69,

71, 75, 77-81
Ascension, Fray Juan de la, at Hawikuh

(1660-62), 82

Atkeson, Joseph B., necrology, 95-96
Atomic Bomb, 359
Aubry, F. X., at Santa F6 (1849), 55; with

wagon train to California, 151
Avery, F. F., mention (1894), 125
Avlia y Ayala, Fray Pedro de, killed at

Hawikuh (1672), 82

Bailey, Barbara, quoted, 359-361
Bailey, Miss [Florence], charged with hav-
ing appropriated work of another, 99

Baird, Spruce M., at Albuquerque (1849),
146-147

Bal, Fray Juan del, at Halona (1680), 82

Bandelier, A. F., quoted, 188

Baptista, Fray Andres de, 58, 61, 63, 69, 71

Basket Maker culture, developed into
Pueblo, 102

Benavides, Fray Alonso de, mention, 62-80
passim

Bernal, Fray Juan, at Galisteo (1672), 64,
note; at Pecos (1670), 66, note

Bibliography. See Saunders ; Steck ; Zavala

Blair, Clyde M., services (1910-15) as prin-
cipal at Albuquerque Indian School, 211,
212, 217; reappointed (1933), 326

Bloom, L. B. and F. V. Scholes, "Friar
Personnel and Mission Chronology,"
(concl.) 58-82; paper in The Americas,
105; (ed.) "Lewisburg to California,
1849," 14-57, 144-186, 239-268, 336-357;
editorial notes, 106-8, 187-8

Bond, Frank, necrology, 271-273

Bonney, William (Billy the Kid), cowboy
opinions (c. 1886) regarding, 196

Bratton, Senator Sam, defends (1929)
Albuquerque Indian School, 316

Brock, Dr. C. Leroy, mention (1915), 217

Bryan, R. W. D., supt. (1882-6) Albuquer-
que Indian School, 114-119

buffalo, range (1849), 41, 44

Buford, Captain, and U. S. mail (1849),
52-53 (notes)

Burg, John Baron, necrology, 94-95

Burgos, Fray Agustfn de, 58, 61, 62, 63

Burke, Charles H., commissioner of Indian
affairs, mention, 310; tribute to (1927),
314

Burke, P. F., supt. (1886-89) Albuquerque
Indian School, 120-2, 127

burros, in Southwest ( 18th century ) , 7

Byrne, Archbishop Edwin V., mention, 863

Campo, Fray Juan del, at Ab6 (1634), 68;

at Jemez (1640), 77, note
Canada, contiguous (17th century) with

New Mexico, 278
Canfield, Fred W., cited (1934). 211, note;

mention, 325

Carrascal, Fray Pedro de, 59, 61, 62
Carrasco, Fray Tomas de, came (1625), 69,

71, 75
Caughey, John, quoted, 254 (note), 257

(note)
Chamberlin, J. V., of Estancia, mention, 14

369

370

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Chamberlin, William H., a California '49er,
diary edited, 14-57, 144-183, 239-268,
336-357

Chapelle, Bishop P. L., mention (1892),
123

Chapman, Kenneth, art students at Albu-
querque Indian School (1930), 319

Chavarria, Fray Miguel de, 62, 68, 66, 67

Cherokees, made saddles, 140

Chihuahua merchants (1849), 53, note; 144

Chilili, convent, 73

Chouteau's Trading House, 15, 39-40

Clark, John D., necrology on Gibson, 89-90

Cleland, Robert G., his idea of "Southwest"
criticized, 106-107

Cochiti, convent, 66 ; pupils at Albuquerque
(1887), 121

Coddington, A. M., mention (1882), 114

Collier, Commissioner John, mention, 314,
326

Collins, Ralph P., supt. (1900-3) Albuquer-
que Indian School, 130-132

Comanches, and horses, 1-13 passim; 35,
40, 41

Concepcion, Fray Cristobal de la, 70, 71, 82

Concepci6n, Fray Francisco de la, 70, 71, 74

Concepci6n. See Figueroa

Connolly, Vera L., her "ill-considered and
fallacious criticisms" (in Good House-
keeping, 1929), 316-317

Contreras, Fray Sebastian de, at San Juan
(1666), 73 note

Cooke's Peak (near Deming), 155, note

Creager, William B., supt. (1889-94) Albu-
querque Indian School, 122-5, 127

Cuarac, mission at, 64, 73 ; friars at, 73
note

Cuellar, Fray Agustfr de, 70, 71, 81-82

Curtis, Jr., Fayette S., 362

Custer, Burton B., supt. (1906-8) Albuquer-
que Indian School, 137-8, 207

Dagenett, Charles, agent in charge of

outing system (1905), 137
Davis W. W. H., quoted on name of Santa

F6, 187

Dawes Act of 1887, importance of, 110
Dent, Capt. Frederick T., biographical data,

15, 27, 33, 38

Devil's Turnpike (Ariz., 1849), 162, 163
Dixon, James H., of Louisiana (1849), 40,

148, 154, 164

Dona Ana (N. Mex.), in 1884, 287; 304
Drake, Francis, mention, 278
Duran, Fray Andres, at Taos (1668), 78,

note
Dutt, George F., at Albuquerque Indian

School (1916-20), 218, 219

Du Val, Pierre, map (1670) by, 189; and
Sanson family, 276-278

Edward's trading-house (1849), 35, 36
Ellison, William H., quoted, 256 (note),

257 (note)

El Morro, article on, criticized, 107-108
Emory's Notes, used by '49ers, 149, 153, 155,

161, 162, 164, 165, 168, 170, 175
Enriquez, Fray Nicolas, at Pecos (1666),

66, note

Escobar, Fray Pedro de, 59, 61, 62
Espeleta, Fray Jose de, at Awatobi (1672),

82

Elspinosa, Jose Manuel, cited, 99 ; 105
Espiritu Santo, Fray Domingo del, at

Pecos (1635), 66, note
Espiritu Santo, Fray Mart|n del, came

(1625), 69, 71
Estancia Springs (N. Mex|), tragedy at,

189-206
Estremera, Fray Alonso de, came (1625),

69, 71

fair at Taos, annual, 6

Figueredo, Fray Roque de, 70, 71, 81-82

Figueroa (or de la Concepcion), Fray Jos6

de, at Awatobi (1680), 82, note
fleas, in Santa Fe (1849), 54, 144
Florida, contiguous with N. Mex. (17th

century), 278
Fonte (or Fonsi), Fray Francisco, 62, 63,

68, 68, 71

Foreman, Grant, quoted on routes of Cali-
fornia '49ers, 14
Forrest, Earle R., article on El Morro

discussed, 107-108
Fort Smith (Ark.), mention (1849), 14, 15;

23-24
Franciscans in New Mexico, 1598-1629,

58-82
Franklin, John, Dutchman (1849), 147

180, 239
Freitas, Fray Nicolas de, at Cuarac (1660),

73, note; at Acoma (1666), 81, note
Fremont, John C., in California, 248, note ;

336, 344, 346

French, in Indian trade (18th century),

2-13
French, B. F., historical collections quoted,

189

Frenger, Numa C., necrology, 270-271
"Friar personnel and mission chronology,

1598-1629," by Scholes and Bloom, 58-82
Fuente, Fray Diego de la, 70, 71

Galdo, Fray Juan, at Halona (1671-2), 82
Galisteo, mission center, 64 (note), 65

INDEX

371

gambling, Navaho, stopped (1903), 207
Geography of New Mexico (1918), by A. N.

White, mention, 270
Gibson, Charles LeRoy, necrology, 89-90
Gil de Avila, Fray Ildefonso, at Ab6 (1672).

69, note; at Senecu (1675), 81, note
Gilliam, S. H., principal (1933) at Albu-
querque Indian School, 327, note; 329
Gomez de la Cadena, Fray Francisco, at

Chilili (1671-72), 64, note; at Tajique

(1671-72), 74, note
Gonzales, Fray Juan, at Pecos (1661), 66,

note
Gonzales, Fray Martfn (or Bartolom4), 70

and note
Goodyear's patent, rubber plate for false

teeth, fought successfully by Newbrough,

283

Graham, Maj. Lawrence P., 173, 249
gold, in California (1849), 248
Gran Quivira (Tabira), 74-75
Green, Maj. R. B., of Lewisburg party to

California (1849), 16, 36, 40, 148, 245,

259, 352; death, 354
Gregg, Josiah, quoted on name of Santa

Fe-, 187
Guerra, Fray Salvador de, at Taos

(1659-60), 75, note; at J6mez (1661)

77, note; at Acoma (1661), 81, note
Guevara, Fray Miguel de, at San Juan

(1665), 73, note

Gurule, name derived from "Grollet," 187-8
Gutierrez, Fray Andres, 70- 71, 82
Gutierrez de la Chica, Fray Juan, came

(1625), 69,; 71, 73

Halona, mission, 81-82

Hammond, G. P., 100 ; in Mexico, 366

Haro de la Cueva, Fray Pedro, 58, 61, 63,

69, 71
Harrington, Miss Isis L., services (J917-83)

at Albuquerque Indian School, 219-220,

310, 312-3, 317, 322, 324, 325-6; 832-5
Harrington, John P., study of "Indian

words in Southwestern Spanish," men-
tion, 103

Hasinai Indians, 1, 139
Hawikuh, mission, 81-82; book on, rev-d,

101-102
Henriques, Dr. Edward, in shooting at

Estancia (1883), 189-206 passim
Hidalgo, Fray Nicolas de, at Taos (1638),

75
Holsenbeck, Miss Hazel, cited (1934), 318,

note

Hopi, missions and convents (1629-41), 82
horses in Southwest, spread of Spanish,

1-13; wild, 267, 274-6, 837

Hortega. See Ortega

hotel, "United States," at Santa F6, (1849),
53-54

Rowland, Andrew M., life and work of,
281, 287-309 passim

Howlind, Jone, "Shalam: Facts vs. Fic-
tion," 281-309

Humanas, San Buenaventura de las, mis-
sion (1659), 74

Huning, Franz, mention (1880), 112

Huntington Library, mention, 106

Hurtado, Fray Nicolas, at Senecu (1670),
81, note

"Indian School, History of the Albuquer-
que" (to 1934), by Lillie G. McKinney,
109-138, 207-226, 310-335

Isleta, mission center, 64; pupils at Albu-
querque (1887), 121, 123, in 1900, 181

Jackson, Sheldon, mention (1880), 109-
114 passim

Jaillot, Hubert, map maker, 277

Jaffa, Nathan, necrology, 358

Jemez, mission started, 66, 67 ; 75-77 ;
opposed to education (1887), 121

Jesus, Fray Juan de, at J&nez (1680), 77,
note

Jones, Dr. Edwin L., appointed (1905) to
Albuquerque Indian School, 135

Jouvenceau, Rev. A., opposed Indian edu-
cation (1891), 124

Juarez. See Suarez

Kearny, Gen'l S. W., mention (1849), 56,

147 (note), 153 (twice), 156, 163, 168
Keck, Mrs. D. S., at Albuquerque Indian

School (1889-90), 123
Keleher, Julia, article on Shalam criticized,

281-309 passim

Kendall, Rev. Henry, mention (1881), 114
Kendrick, Robert E., at Albuquerque Indian

School (1930), 821
Kluckhohn, Clyde, Navaho Witchcraft,

rev'd, 103
Knickerbocker ocmpany of '49ers, 36, 161,

165, 168
Kubler, George, cited 74-75

Lagunas, pupils at Albuquerque (1887),

121

Lane, John, mention (1894), 125
Lawrence, Mrs. Ellen, weaving instructor

(1931) at Albuquerque Indian School,

320

Lemitar (N. Hex., 1849), 147, note; 150
Letrado, Fray Francisco de, 70, 71, 74, 82

372

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

Leupp, Ariz., Indian school at, flooded out

(1932), 324

Lewis, Hon. Ellis, of Pa., mention, 355
"Lewisburg (Pa.) to California in 1849,

From," diary of Wm. H. Chamberlin,

14-57, 144-180, 336-357
libraries among Pueblo Indians (1929-33),

312-313
Liana, Fray Jeronimo de la, at Cuarac

(1650), 73, note; at Tajique (1636), 74,

note
Lobato, Fray Juan, at Picuris (1661), 75,

note

Lobdell, Fred M., mention, 219, 310
L6pez, Fray Diego, 70, 71, 81
Lopez de Covarrubias, Fray Bernardo, at

San Marcos (1663-4), 65, note
Lorenzana, Fray Francisco Antonio de, at

San Marcos (1672), 65, note
Los Alamos Ranch School, 362
Los Angeles, Pueblo de, in 1849, 252, 258-9
Lunsford, Miss Dora, from Leupp to Albu-
querque Indian School (1932), 824

McCowan, S. M., supt. (1896-7) Albuquer-
que Indian School, 126-7, 128, 129 (note)

McFie, Jr., John R., necrology, 184-186

Mclntosh, Archie, possible mention at
Santa F6 (1849), 55 (note)

McKinney, Lillie G., "History of the
Albuquerque Indian School" (to 1934),
109-138, 207-226, 310-335

McKoin, John J., supt. (1894-6) Albuquer-
que Indian School, 125-126

Madre de Dios, Fray Francisco de la, 70,
71, 81-82

mail service, Santa F6 to Independence
(1849), 53

Maldonado, Fray Lucas, at Acoma (1671-
80), 81, note

Manso, Fray Tomas, 70, 71

map of New Mexico (1670), 189, 276-8

Mar, Fray Tomas de la, 60, 61, 62

Marcy, Capt. Randolph B., biographical
note, 14; report of route from Fort
Smith to Santa F6 cited, 15 ; 26

Margry, Pierre, cited, 1-13 passim, 139, 141

Maricopa Indians (Ariz., 1849), 174, 244

Mariposa gold-diggings, Calif. (1849), 248,
note ; 259, 339

Marron, O. N., mention (1892), 123

Marta, Fray Bernardo de, 58, 61

Martinez, Fray Lujs, at Taos (1661), 75,
note

Masons, A. F. & A., of Las Cruces, men-
tion (c. 1884), 284; 300

Medler, Edward, mention, 92; (1882), 114

Medler, Edward L., necrology, 92-94 ; men-
tion, 114 (note), 271
Memphis (in March, 1849), 21-22
Mesilla Valley (N. Mex., 1880s), 284-287
Meusnier, Pedro, mention, 188
Mexican settlers, first met (1849) on Fort

Smith-Santa Fe road, 45 ; traders on

plains, 45, 46, 47
Milne, John, quoted (1934), 211, note;

213, note; 319, 321. note; tribute (1934)

to Perry, 331

Miranda, Fray Justo de, 64 (note), 66
Miranda, Fray Pedro de, killed at Taos. 75
Mission chronology (1598-1629), 58-82
Monpean, Fray Jacinto de at Awatobi

(c. 1662), 82
Montes, Fray Felipe, at San Juan (1672),

73, note
Mora, Fray Antonio de, at Taos (1672-80),

75, note
Morales, Fray Lufs de, at Pecos (1672), 66,

note
Morgan, Commissioner T. J., quoted (1892)

on Indian education, 123
Morley, Dr. Sylvanus G., ecclesiastical art

gift, 363-6

Moss, William N., mention (1894), 125
Mount Graham (Arizona, 1849), 164, 165
Mount Turnbull (Arizona, 1849), 165
mules in the Southwest, in 1719, 3; 18th

century, 4-11 ; passim; in 1849, 24-25, 27,

39, 46, 51, 52
Munoz, Fray Francisco, 70, 70-71. 75

(note), 77 (note), 81 (note)
murder, at San Miguel, N. Mex. (1849),

case of American, 52

Nambe', mission center, 64

Natividad, Fray Benito de la, at Socorro

(1659-61), 81, note
Navaho, book on witchcraft among, 103 ;

pupils at Albuquerque (1887), 121;

(1901), 131, 133, 184, 136
Necrologies. See Atkeson, Bond, Burg,

Frenger, Gibson, McFie, Medler, Rowella,

Shaffer, Simms, White, Zimmerman
Newbrough, Dr. John B., life and work of,

281-309 passim
Newbrough, Mrs. John B., of Shalam, 286,

305, caricatured as "Mrs. Sweet," 291-2,

299, 305-9
Nolan, Philip, in western horse trade,

10, 12
Nogal Caiion, N. Mex. (1849), 153, note

Oahspe, produced (1881) "by automatic

control," 282; 298, 299
Ordonez, Fray Isidro, 58, 61

INDEX

873

Ortega, Dr. Joaquin, cited, 87, 98, 99
Ortega, Fray Pedro de, 60, 61, 63, 66, 67,

69, 72, 75
Otero, Manuel, killed (1883), at Estancia

Springs, 201-203
Outing system, for Indian pupils (1900),

181, 132, 186, 137

Padoucas. See Comanches

Papagos, pupils at Albuquerque (1887),

121
Paredes, Fray Joseph de, at Ab6 (1662),

69", note; at Senecu (1672), 81, note
Parraga, Fray Diego de, at Cuarac (1672),

73, note; at Tajique (1660), 74, note
Peairs, H. B., mention, 217, 224, 310
Pecos, mission ruins and valley (1849),

52-53; (1619), 66, 67
Pedraza, Fray Jeronimo de, 58, 60, 61, 63,

69, 72

Peinado, Fray Alonso de, 68, 61, 63, 64, 68
Peiialosa, Diego de, mention, 278
Peralta, N. Mex. (1849), 148
Perea, Fray Estevan de, 58, 61, 63, 72, 73
Perez, Fray Antonio, at Santa Clara

(1638), 73, note

Perez Guerta, Fray Francisco, 58, 61
Perguer, Fray Andres, 58, 61
Perry, Reuben, quoted, 111-132 passim;

supt. (1908-33) Albuquerque Indian

School, 207, 208-226, 310-326, 331
Pico, Gov. Pio, of California, mention, 346
Picurfs, mission started, 66, 67 ; 72, 75
Pimas, pupils at Albuquerque (1887), 121;

In Arizona (1849), 171, 172-4
Pinon Lano Indians (Arizona, 1849), 170
placer mines, south of Santa Fe (1849),

55, 144, 145; in California (1849), 248,

259, 342-3
Plasencia, Fray Juan de, at San Felipe

(1662), 65, note
Pond, Peter, English fur trader, quoted

(1773), 10
Pope, Charles, "The Estancia Springs

Tragedy," 189-206

Porras, Fray Francisco de, 70, 72, 82
Posada, Fray Alonso de, at Jemez (1656),

77, note; at Awatobi (1653-5), 82, note
pottery making, revived among Pueblo

Indians (1926), 314; 319
Pow-Wow, annual (1927-32) published at

Albuquerque Indian School, 314 ; war

veterans listed, 331-2
Presbyterian Church (in the U. S. A.),

mission work of, 109-110, 115, 120
Psychical Research Societies, British and

American, mention, 282
Puaray, had no convent, 64 (note)

Pueblo Indians, regional significance, 107

Quiros, Fray Cristobal de, 58, €1, 63, 69, 72
Quivira women as slaves (17th century),
mention, 2

Ramirez, Fray Juan, 70, 72 ; at Tajique

(1660), 74, note; 81
Raynolds Library, 362-3
Reed, Erik K., paper in Plateau, 103-104
Reeve, Frank D., rev. of book by Kluck-

hohn, 103

Reid, Hugo, in California (1849), 256, note
Rendon, Fray Matias de, at Picurfc (1680),

75, note

Rio Grande (in 1849), 146-158 passim
Rodriguez, Fray Felipe, at Taos (1660),

75, note

Romero, Fray Bartolome, 70 72, 82
Romero, Dolores, Indian agent at Isleta

(1884) quoted, 118-119
Ross, J. Chalmers, at Albuquerque Indian

School (1920), 219
Rowells, R. E. necrology, 96
Rowland, John, in California (1849), 257,

258

Sabinal, N. Mex. (1849), 148

Sacristan, Fray Miguel, at Jemez (1661),

77, note

saddles, Indian use of, 139-143
Salas, Fray Juan de, 58, 61, 63, 69, 72, 73

(note)
Salazar, Fray Francisco de, at Chililf, 64,

note; at Cuarac (1668), 78, note
Salpointe, Archbishop, mention (1891), 124
San Antonio (north of Tijeras canon), in

1849, 146; (below Socorro), in 1849, 151
San Antonio, Fray Salvador de, at Alamillo

(1672), 81, note
San Buenaventura, Fray Francisco de, 70,

72, 82

San Buenaventura, Fray Juan de, 58, 61, 63
Sanchez, Maj. Pedro, Indian agent, men-
tion, 114; quoted (1884), 118
San Cristobal mission, 65
Sand|a, mission center (1617), 64; pupils

at Albuquerque (1887), 121
San Diego, Fray Tomas de, 70, 72
San Diego de la Congregacion, Jemez mis-
sion, 67, 72, 75-6, 77
San Felipe, convent ( 1621 ) , 65 ; friars, 65,

note; 66; pupils at Albuquerque (1887),

121
San Fernando (Calif.), mission (in 1849),

259-260
San Francisco (Calif.), city (in 1849), 850,

352 ; 353-4, 355

374

NEW MEXICO HISTORICAL REVIEW

San Francisco, Fray Garc{a de, 70, note;

72; 80, 81
San Francisco de As is (Calif.), mission of,

350

San Ildefonso, mission center, 64, 73
San Joaqufn valley (Calif., 1849), 248

(note), 259-268 passim; 337, 338
San Jos6 (Calif., 1849), mission of, 349;

pueblo of, 349, 851
San Jose de Guiusewa, first Jexnez mission

(1621), 67; 77
San Juan, Fray Alonso de, 58-9, 60, 61,

62, 63, 70, 72
San Juan, convent at, 73 ; friars at, 73,

note

San Lazaro, convent, 64-65
San Lucas, Fray Diego de, 70, 72, 77 (note)
San Marcos mission, 64 and note; friars

at, 65, note
San Miguel del Vado (N. Mex., 1849),

50-52

San Pedro (N. Mex., 1849), 145, 146
Sanson family of Paris, map makers, 277
Santa Ana, had no convent, 65 ; pupils at

Albuquerque (1887), 121
Santa Clara, convent, 64, 73 ; pupils at

Albuquerque (1898), 129, note
Santa Clara de Asfs (Calif.), mission of,

350
Santa Fe, impressions in 1849, 54-55 ;

correct form of name discussed, 108, 187
Santa Fe Trail, near San Miguel (1849),

50

Santana, Fray Pedro de, 70, 72
Santander, Fray Diego de, at San Marcos

(1662), 65, note; 74; at Senecu (1665),

81, note; at Acoma (1666), 81, note
Santo Domingo, convent, 65, 66, 67; op-
posed (1887) to education, 121
Sauer, Carl O., his reasoning as to Fray

Marcos, 100

Saunders, Lyle, A guide to materials bear-
ing on cultural relations in New Mexico,

rev'd, 79-101
Sauz de Lezaun, Fray Juan, quoted

(1760), 7
Scholes, France V., mention, 100, 105 ; with

L. B. Bloom, "Friar personnel and mis-
sion chronology, 1598-1629," 58-82
Seltzer, Carl C., Racial prehistory in the

Southwest and the Hawikuh Zunis,

rev'd, 101-102

Senecu, early work at, 78, 80
Serrano, Fray Pedro, (Padre Provincial),

quoted (1761) on Indian trade, 6
Sevilletta, early work at, 81
Sewell, Brice, mention, 319, note
Shaffer, Edward H., necrology, 90-92

"Shalam: Facts vs. Fiction," by Jone

Howlind, 281-309
Shalam colony, New York waifs gave idea

for, 284

Shawnee town (1849), 34 (note), 35-36
Shearer, J. S., first supt. (1881-82) Albu-
querque Indian School, 114
sheep range, in southern plains (1849),

48-49, 50

Shelby, M. B., mention (1896), 126
Sfa, convent, 65, 66
Sierra, Fray Antonio de, at Picurjs

(1671-2), 75, note
Simms, Albert G., mention, 181
Simms, Mrs. Ruth Hanna, necrology, 181-

184

Socorro, convent at, 78 ; in 1849, 150
Sonora, gold seekers (1848-49) from, 246,

248, 251

Sonora Trail (1849), 165
Southwest, regional characteristics of,

106-107
Spanish Trail (Santa F6 to Calif.), 15,

55, 56 (note), 144, 257 (note)
Spier, Leslie, rev. of book by Seltzer, 101-3 ;

edits new journal, 105
Steck, F. B., A tentative guide to historical

materials on the Southwest, rev'd, 97
"Steeple Rock," (Ariz., 1849), 161
Suarez, Fray Andres, 58, 61, 63, 66, 69, 72
Suarez, Fray Juan, at San Felipe (1643),

65, note; 81
Suarez, Fray Lufs, 70 and note

tailors, among California '49ers, 32
Tajique, mission at, 64 ; convent, 74
Taos, mission started, 66, 67; 72, 75
telegraph wires across Ohio river (1849),

18

Tenab6, mention (1622), 68
Texas, part of Southwest, 107
Texas tribes, and horses (18th century),

1-13 passim

Thomas, Maj. B. M., Indian agent, men-
tion (1878), 110-2; (1882), 114
Thompson, David, quoted (1887), 11
Tijeras Canon (1849), 144, 146
Tinoco, Fray Manuel, at San Marcos

(1680), 65, note
Tirado, Fray Lufs, 58, 61
Tome, N. Mex., location, 150
Tompiro area, missions of, 68
Torija, Fray Gabriel de, at Abo (1668),

69, note
Torre, Fray Tornas de la, at San Marcos

(1668-9), 65, note; at Jemez (1672), 77.

note
Touacara (Wichita) Indians, 1, 139

INDEX

375

trade, with Indians in horses, peltry and
slaves, 2-13 passim

Trail, old Deleware Indian, west from Fort
Smith (1849), 27, 29-30, 31; from Santa
Fe to Calif., 56 (notes) ; Sonora (1849),
165; Cooke's wagon-route (1849), 171,
176

Trujillo, Fray Jose de, killed at Shongopovi
(1680), 82, note

Twitchell, Ralph E. cited, 108, 187, 188

University of New Mexico, development
under President Zimmerman (1927-44),
84-87

Updegraff, Lieut. Joseph, biog, data, 15;
26 (note) ; 27, 33, 38

Velasco, Fray Crist6bal de, at Galisteo

(1659), 64, note
Velasco, Fray Fernando de, at Chilil{

(c. 1660), 64, note; at Socorro (1672),

81, note; at Acoma (1667), 81, note
Velasco, Fray Francisco de, at Pecos

(1680), 66, note
Vera, Fray Domingo de at Galisteo (1680),

64, note
Vergara, Fray Pedro de, 58, 61, 62, 63, 69,

72
Vidania, Fray Juan de, at Picurfs (1637),

75, note
Villar, Fray Nicolas del, at Galisteo (1661),

64, note; as Abo (1669), 69, note
Villegas, Fray Pedro de, at Galisteo (1665),

64, note; at San Marcos (1665), 65, note
VT Fuse, 359-361

Walter, P. A. F., necrologies, 83-89, 92-96,
181-186, 267-273; book revs., 274-276

Walter, Jr., P. A. F., necrology of Shaffer,
90-92; mention, 98

Warner's Ranch, Calif. (1849), 251-252

weapons of American Indians, 227-238

weaving, revived among Indians, 313, 319,
320

West. D. C., mention, 219

West, Elias P., at Albuquerque (1849),
146-147

White, Alvan N., necrology, 269-270

Whitney, [James G.], his part in the
Estancia Springs tragedy (1883), 200-203

Williams, Izaac, in Calif. (1849), 254, 255

Worcester, D. E., "Spread of Spanish
horses in Southwest, 1700-1800," 1-18;
"The use of saddles by American In-
dians," 139-143 ; "Weapons of American
Indians," 227-238; mention, 279

Workman, Dr. E. J., 359-361

World War, Indians in First, 222 ; veterans
listed, 331-332

Wyman, W. D., The Wild Horse of the
West, rev'd, 274-276

Xumanas, Tompiro town, 74

Yanez, Fray Alonso de, 70, 72

Yazza, Paul David, of Albuquerque Indian

School, war casualty, 221, 222, 322
Ybargaray. See Ibargaray
Yumas, in 1849, 241-243

Zambrano Ortiz, Fray Pedro, 58, 61, 62, 68,

66, 69, 72

Zarate, Fray Ascencio de, 62, 63, 69, 72, 75
Zarate Salmer6n, Fray Jer6nimo, 62, 63,

67, 68

Zavala, Silvio, and the Revista de historia

de America, 104
Zea, Fray Andres de, came (1625), 69, 72,

75

Z|a, pupils at Albuquerque (1887), 121
Zimmerman, James F., necrology, 83-89
Zipias, mention (1638), 80
Zufiiga, Fray Garcia de, 70-71

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